Deforestation in Myanmar Amid Political Unrest

August 12, 2021

While deforestation has been a major issue in Myanmar for decades, recent data shows a surge in deforestation that could be linked to the nation’s recent coup and ongoing internal conflict.

Environment and Food Security in Myanmar. United Nations Development Programme. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

On February 1, a coup took place in Myanmar. The Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s military, overthrew many democratically elected members of the National League for Democracy , the ruling party in Myanmar following the November 2020 general elections. After the coup, the Tatmadaw enforced a year-long state of emergency, transferring power from the elected democratic authorities to the Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services Min Aung Hlaing. The military assumed control of the nation and invalidated the November vote on the premise that the elections were fraudulent; however, many question the legitimacy of this premise. Some believe that this reasoning was a cover for the Tatmadaw to step in because many members of its party lost in the election.

Interestingly, the coup took place the day before the Parliament of Myanmar swore in the newly elected members from the November 2020 election, preventing the election. Unsurprisingly, residents did not welcome the control of the Tatmadaw with open arms—many protested the coup and experienced grave, and sometimes deadly, consequences. Citizens who spoke out against the Tatmadaw authorities were punished, as freedom of speech and the press are not guaranteed by law in Myanmar. Since the conflict began, over 900 civilians have been killed by military or police forces and at least 5,000 people have been arrested, charged or sentenced. Additionally, three prominent members of the NLD have died while under police custody in March.

While this political situation in Myanmar is new, its environmental situation is not. When the nation achieved its independence from the British in 1948, Myanmar, previously known as Burma, had a landscape that was 70 percent forest. In 2014, there was around 48 percent forest cover, as the nation lost around 19 percent of its forests between 1990 and 2010. Although Myanmar’s deforestation rate is less than some of its neighbors, including Indonesia and Vietnam, deforestation is still a major concern in the region. Deforestation in Myanmar is often attributed to three major factors: unsustainable and illegal logging, unresolved land disputes and agricultural development. Despite deforestation, Myanmar has the largest tropical forest in mainland Southeast Asia that is home to more than 80 endemic species. Despite the size of Myanmar’s forests, only around six percent of its land is protected by law while the rest is susceptible to deforestation.

Myanmar’s Tanintharyi region exemplifies the consequences deforestation can have on Myanmar’s wildlife. Satellite data from the University of Maryland shows that deforestation is increasing in the nation, especially in the Mergui and Kawthoung districts of the Tanintharyi. According to UMD, Mergui and Kawthoung lost around 15 percent of their tree cover between 2001 and 2019, and recent data from UMD’s Global Analysis and Discovery lab suggest that this number may be higher in 2020 and beyond.

Gurney’s pittas, small birds with a stubby tail, live in the area between Mergui and Kawthoung in the Tanintharyi. These birds were thought to be extinct until they were rediscovered in the 80s. According to the International Union for Conservation of Nature, the Gurney’s pitta is a critically endangered species with only between 1,000 and 2,500 remaining in 2019, a drastic decline from the 10,300 to 17,000 that were alive 15 years earlier. Habitat loss is the reason behind this decline.

Gurney pitta. darwin_initiative. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

Beyond threatening extinction for wildlife that has been around for decades, deforestation in Myanmar is also threatening the advancement of science in studying biodiversity. New species have recently been discovered in the Tanintharyi region. In 2015 and 2016, researchers discovered two species of geckos, genus Cyrtodactylus, that are known for their bent toes. In 2019, another group of researchers discovered an Asian rock gecko known as Cnemaspis tanintharyi. Some scientists are worried that continued deforestation in the Tanintharyi region could mean the extinction of undiscovered and recently discovered species, in addition to well-known species.

Myanmar’s political climate has implications for its environmental situation. With Myanmar’s 70-year-long and ongoing internal conflict as well as the recent coup, displaced individuals have turned to its forests for support. Many have taken up farming in the Tanintharyi to make a living and others have sought refuge in surrounding forests—both of which have contributed to increased deforestation in the Tanintharyi region and the decline of unique, local species.

In addition to the environmental consequences of displacement, experts speculate that the coup has opened the nation to increased illegal deforestation as international oversight and trade partnerships deteriorate. With other nations increasing sanctions against Myanmar and refusing to cooperate with the country because of the coup, Myanmar is more susceptible to illegal deforestation and the selling of illegally obtained wood to foreign partners who neglect to question its legitimacy. Satellite data by Planet Labs, Google Earth and Global Forest Watch show that large patches of forest have been removed between January and April of this year. Despite this incriminating data, there is no clear evidence that directly links the recent deforestation to illegal activities conducted by the Tatmadaw.

Anti-Coup Protesters Launch Garbage Strike in Myanmar

April 6, 2021

Over 500 civilians have been killed since Myanmar’s Feb. 1 military coup. Protests and civil disobedience campaigns launched by pro-democracy activists are ongoing.

An anti-military protest in Myanmar in 2009. The country’s powerful military regime has been at the center of criticism for years. totaloutnow. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

On March 30, pro-democracy activists in Myanmar launched a civil disobedience campaign of throwing garbage into the streets at key intersections in protest of the country’s military rule and the frequent killing of civilians by security forces. At least 512 civilians have been killed since Myanmar’s Feb. 1 military coup.

The military seized control of Myanmar two months ago, ousting democratically elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi of the National League for Democracy (NLD). After Suu Kyi’s landslide victory, the opposition began claiming widespread election fraud and demanded a recount of the votes. The military backed the opposing party’s claims of fraud, despite the election commission’s statement that there was no evidence to suggest the election had been tampered with. On Feb. 1, Parliament was scheduled for its first meeting since the Nov. 8 election, where it was expected to endorse the election results and approve the next government. The military detained Suu Kyi and the leaders of the NLD, arrested a number of writers and activists, and declared a yearlong state of emergency.

The coup returned Myanmar to full military rule after the country’s decadelong quasi-democracy. Myanmar was under full military rule from 1962 to 2011, when the military implemented a parliamentary election system. Since the coup, Suu Kyi has been held in an undisclosed location and faces several charges, including violating the country’s official secrets act.

Protests against the coup began immediately, and are some of the largest and most widespread protests in Myanmar since 2007, when thousands of monks spoke out against the military. A number of civil disobedience campaigns, like the current garbage strike, have been ongoing as well, paralyzing various sectors of the economy. The military’s response to protests escalated quickly, from imposing curfews and limits on gatherings to the use of rubber bullets and live ammunition. Hundreds of civilians have been killed by security forces. March 27 was Myanmar’s Armed Forces Day, and the deadliest day of the coup thus far, with 141 deaths resulting from the military’s attempt to stop protests.

The current garbage strike reportedly began after loudspeaker announcements in some areas of Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, urged residents to dispose of their garbage properly. Word of the protest circulated on social media alongside the message that anyone could join in protest against the military. Once the protest had started, photos of garbage piling up in the streets began to circulate.

Also on March 30, a joint letter from the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, the Arakan Army and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army called for the government to stop killing protesters and to resolve political issues.

Uncertainty Reigns in Myanmar Amid Military Coup

February 8, 2021

Soldiers in Myanmar’s military. Stephen Brookes. CC2.0

On Feb. 1, the military opposition in Myanmar staged a coup detaining State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi due to election results in favor of her challenging National League for Democracy (NLD) party. Since then, the military in Myanmar has detained hundreds of political officials and declared a state of emergency for up to one year. An active restructuring of power continues, with 24 government officials already having been replaced.

As of Monday evening, Suu Kyi was released from detention but placed under house arrest. Charges by the military accuse Suu Kyi of illegally importing walkie-talkies. President U Win Myint also faces charges for disobeying coronavirus restrictions. Although these accusations are most likely illegitimate, a criminal offense on the record in Myanmar can prevent politicians from running for reelection. In this way, the military continues to threaten the rise of democracy in Myanmar, placing the country’s political future in jeopardy.

Introducing Myanmar’s Fraught Political Situation

Myanmar’s State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. Utenriksdepartementet UD. CC2.0

Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, is a country located in Southeast Asia known for its myriad of cultural and ethnic groups. Though the country achieved independence from Britain in 1948, an oppressive military regime came to power in 1962 that ruled for almost the next five decades. Military rule plunged the country deep into poverty and resulted in severe crackdowns on journalists, artists and activists. The country's government began to liberalize after the military started to loosen its grip in 2011.

Activist and political leader Aung San Suu Kyi is well known for her nonviolent movements toward democracy in Myanmar. She received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 while being held under house arrest from 1989 to 2010. Suu Kyi founded the National League for Democracy (NLD), which led the first civilian government in the country’s history after winning a landslide election in 2015. Since then, Suu Kyi has remained the head of Myanmar’s government.

However, Suu Kyi’s record remains tarnished. Her government has received international condemnation for human rights abuses against ethnic minorities in Myanmar. In 2017, the military forced a crackdown on the Rohingya Muslim population in Rakhine state, causing over 700,000 refugees to flee to neighboring Bangladesh. Myanmar claims the Rohingya are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and refuses to offer them citizenship and basic human rights. Suu Kyi appeared before the International Court of Justice in 2019, where she denied that the crimes committed against the Rohingya counted as genocide.

In November 2020, national elections predicted a landslide win for Suu Kyi’s NLD. The military government claims election fraud, although this has been disproven by Myanmar’s election committee. Dissatisfied with the election results, the military seized power on Feb. 1 as parliament was about to open. Executive power has been granted to long-standing military leader Min Aung Hlaing. International flights, the internet and social media were all shut down amid the coup. Even a few days later, Wi-Fi access remains spotty in parts of the country.

International Reaction and Opposition

The coup has received harsh international condemnation, with U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres calling the military’s actions a "serious blow to democratic reforms." The U.N. Security Council held an emergency meeting after the coup but took no action as China and Russia refused to denounce it. Other Southeast Asian countries, such as Thailand, Cambodia and the Philippines, claim that the coup is an “internal matter” and do not want to meddle in Myanmar’s political affairs.

Resistance to the coup in picked up on Feb. 7, as tens of thousands of protesters crowded the streets of Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city. Many people have banged pots and pans denouncing the coup, while medical workers have walked out and posted photos standing together in solidarity wearing ribbons.

Recent events in Myanmar and around the world reveal the fragility of democracy. Only time will reveal the resounding effects of the coup on Myanmar’s political story.

In Turkey, Academia Reckons with Ongoing Effects of Brain Drain

August 8, 2019

Following a post-coup crackdown by President Erdoğan, the Turkish intelligentsia is under continuous siege.

Faculty of Political Sciences, Ankara University. Fæ via Wikimedia Commons; originally by SALT Research via Flickr.

For some professors, the change occurred overnight, and with no warning: One day, they reported to work as usual, taught their classes, and returned home safe and secure. The next, they were met outside the gates of their university by swathes of security guards threatening them with tear gas, who informed them that their careers had been terminated, effective immediately. Such sudden and shocking occurrences reflected the overall timbre of 2017 for Turkish academics—hundreds of whom found themselves purged from their jobs in what they described as an officially sanctioned “intellectual massacre.”

The purge was precipitated by the failed coup of July 2016, which resulted in more than 260 fatalities and spurred President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to declare a three-month state of emergency. During that state of emergency and in the ensuing months, hundreds of academics from more than 20 universities lost their jobs without notice—the result of drastic action by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which chose to detain, arrest, and fire thousands of public-sector workers in various different fields rather than pressing charges on those responsible for the coup attempt.

According to Erdoğan, the responsible party was Fethullah Gulen, an exiled cleric and former ally who the authorities claim infiltrated supporters into professions all over Turkey as part of a large-scale takeover scheme. Gulen denies having any part in the plan, and many purged academics said they had nothing to do with Gulen’s movement and were unsure how they ended up on the official hit list. Turkey’s Official Gazette describes the banned academics as having “suspected links to terrorist organizations and structures presenting a threat to national security,” but those accused hold a contrasting view: “It is a project to silence all dissident voices within the academy,” Murat Sevinc, who was fired from Ankara University’s Political Science faculty, told Reuters. “The government has seen you can silence 100 academics by firing only one.”

One commonality among many of the academics was their membership in a movement called Academics for Peace, or “Barış için Akademi syenler.” Of the 330 fired in October 2017, 115 had signed an Academics for Peace petition titled “We shall not be a party of crime,” which took a stand against violence in the mainly Kurdish provinces of Turkey. The signatories immediately faced demonization in the pro-government media and condemnation by Erdoğan.

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. U.S. Department of State.

As of March 2017, the total count of purged academics was above 7,300. Those affected were not only deprived of their jobs but also banned from taking other jobs in any public or private institutions, robbed of retirement rights, and even suspended from traveling. Certain universities and departments were particularly hard-hit—for example, the Faculty of Political Sciences at Ankara University, Turkey’s oldest collegiate institution and one comparable in prestige and rigor to France’s Sciences Po. The departments of journalism at Ankara and at Istanbul’s University of Marmara were also decimated. Emre Tansu Keten, a casualty of the purge at Marmara, told Vocal Europe, “I am simply proud to be in the same list along with my senior colleagues who are thrown out because of the opinion they expressed.” Students, though not the primary victims of the situation, were nevertheless left reeling with the realization that their universities were mere shadows of the places at which they had enrolled.

The purges of 2017 were hardly the first shockwave to ripple through Turkey’s academic sector in recent years. In the past few decades, Turkish academic life has frequently been tumultuous, with intellectuals embroiled in military takeovers, secular/religious tensions, and leftist/nationalist battles. Following the start of European Union accession talks in 2004, however, fresh influxes of funding allowed Turkish institutions to construct modern research labs, encouraging students to study in Turkey rather than in the United States or elsewhere in Europe.

That progress, some academics suggest, is now in jeopardy. Following the coup attempt and subsequent crackdown, the trend of intellectuals returning in Turkey took a sharp U-turn, with liberals, secularists, and the intelligentsia fleeing the encroachment of religious nationalism. Between the signing of the Academics for Peace petition in 2016 and the end of 2017, nearly 700 Turkish academics applied to the New York–based organization Scholars at Risk to be relocated to a safer position. Historically, many such applications have been successful: In the five years preceding 2017, approximately 17,000 Turkish nationals came to Britain, 7,000 to Germany, and 5,000 to France.

For academics remaining in Turkey, opportunities for rebuilding their careers are slim, and rewards for their work few and far between. In 2018, the more than 2,000 individuals who make up Academics for Peace finally received recognition in the form of the Courage to Think Defender Award from Scholars at Risk, which applauded the group for their “extraordinary efforts in building academic solidarity and in promoting the principles of academic freedom, freedom of inquiry, and the peaceful exchange of ideas.” Scholars at Risk went on to acknowledge the tenuous state of academic affairs in Turkey, writing, “The nomination is a specific recognition of Academics for Peace’s solidarity work, and at the same time a general recognition of the current pressures on all scholars, students and higher education institutions in and from Turkey.”

Haydarpaşa campus of Marmara University. Fikricoban. CC BY-SA 3.0

On the ground, academics across the country continue to participate in protests, boycotts, and sit-ins at various universities, while a donation fund supports victims of the purge. As of early 2017, Ankara’s “Street Academy” hosted public lectures on Sundays, extending a special invitation to workers and oppressed communities. Funda Şenol Cantek, one of the throngs of fired academics, expressed her defiance to The Advocate: “the government should worry more now that they expand academia to the streets.” Similarly, Sevilay Celenk said of the occasional lectures she holds in public parks, “We took these dismissals as an opportunity to push the limits and bring university together with the streets.”

In June 2019, the body politic of Turkey elected an opposition candidate as mayor of Istanbul, interrupting two decades of control by the AKP. Nevertheless, reported the New York Times, “something about this era under Erdogan has still felt different, more lasting, as if the continuing existence of the A.K.P.’s repressive policies will permanently impair otherwise resilient, historic institutions.” That feeling doubtless stems in part from the uncertain futures facing vast swathes of Turkey’s once-resilient academic sector: As of spring 2019, the legal proceedings concerning 501 members of Academics for Peace remain ongoing. And at the universities, absence is keenly felt. Inside Ankara’s Faculty of Political Science—known as the Mulkiye—walls once plastered with leftist posters are now smattered with a sparse assortment of Turkish flags, the Times described. Certain subjects, such as Foucault and queer theory, have been wiped from the schedule. Master’s and doctoral courses have been canceled, and at the once-lively film society, the showing of films has been banned altogether. Thus, the effects of the purge linger on: in the hallowed halls of universities, in the leafy parks and city streets, and in the hearts and minds of Turkish learners and teachers around the world.

TALYA PHELPS hails from the wilds of upstate New York, but dreams of exploring the globe. As former editor-in-chief at the student newspaper of her alma mater, Vassar College, and the daughter of a journalist, she hopes to follow her passion for writing and editing for many years to come. Contact her if you're looking for a spirited debate on the merits of the em dash vs. the hyphen.