Nonprofits Reach Syrian Refugee Children Through Education

January 13, 2021

As the Syrian refugee crisis enters its 10th year, children continue to suffer from mass displacement and a lack of educational opportunities.

Syrian primary schoolchildren. DFID. CC2.0

The Syrian refugee crisis is considered by many to be the most urgent humanitarian crisis of the decade. Since 2011, the conflict has displaced 11 million people through the destruction of countless homes, hospitals, schools and public buildings. An equally large number of Syrians require humanitarian assistance, over half of them being children. Many of these young children lack safe spaces to play, face childhood neglect and have witnessed horrific violence in their lives. Numerous children are at risk of developing toxic stress, which is a biological response that impedes growth and development when humans have experienced too much hardship.

However, with hardship also comes hope. Reaching children early and providing educational opportunities have been shown to alleviate toxic stress, allowing children to live productive and happy lives. However, educational resources for Syrian refugee children remain in short supply. Despite its importance in providing children a brighter and more stable future, education efforts only receive 3% of humanitarian aid annually. Additionally, many humanitarian organizations do not provide adequate educational resources for children to increase school enrollment.

Students in Syria start to drop out at the age of 12, when they are in secondary school. A study conducted on Syrian refugee children in Jordan showed that only 25% of students are enrolled in secondary school, citing a lack of safe transportation, limited educational resources available, poverty and limited professional opportunities as contributing factors. Children who drop out of school are at increased risk of experiencing hardship in their lives, including living in poverty, being subjected to child marriage and facing sexual violence. Adequate educational resources and child support are essential to help provide resilience and much-needed support for Syrian refugee children. Some nonprofit organizations are aiming to do just that.

Making a Difference in Syrian Refugee Children’s Lives

Syrian refugee children at a school in Lebanon. DFID. CC2.0

A new educational program developed by the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and Sesame Workshop aims to provide adequate educational resources for Syrian refugee children. Called Ahlan Simsim, which translates to “Welcome Sesame” in Arabic, the program aims to combine the IRC’s experience working in conflict zones with the TV show “Sesame Street,” which is known for its educational and nurturing effects on children. Program resources include safe spaces for young children to play, an Arabic-language version of ”Sesame Street,” parenting resources for caregivers, and partnerships with nonprofits and local governments to ensure child access to education. In light of COVID-19, educational programming takes place through WhatsApp and online video.

Ahlan Simsim provides children with skills in literacy and numeracy while helping them develop emotional resilience. For example, the program will teach students how to deal with difficult situations, understand their feelings and empathize with others. The program is a winner of the MacArthur Foundation’s 100&Change grant competition and is among the most ambitious early childhood development programs ever attempted by the humanitarian system. According to Sherrie Westin, executive vice president for global impact and philanthropy at Sesame Workshop, “The issue we are addressing is the greatest humanitarian crisis of our time. We know we can make a difference in the long term if we reach children early. Without that, there’s an entire generation at risk, and that has repercussions not just for their future, but for a more peaceful, stable world for all children.”

To Get Involved:

Check out this link to the International Rescue Committee’s webpage to learn more about the Ahlan Simsim initiative.

is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

Students Call for a Democratic Revolution in Thailand

October 22, 2020

2020 seems to be the year when students across the globe take part in changing their societies, no matter the cost.

Student protesters. Prachatai. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

In Thailand, student-run organizations have led the march that grew to be an all-out revolution in the busy streets of Bangkok. Thousands of protesters have congregated in the crowded commercial center, Ratchaprasong, chanting for the Thai government to listen to their demands. Protesters call for the removal of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, the reduction of the monarchy’s budget so the king’s funds would be separated from crown assets, and the abolition of the strict lese majeste laws which ban the voicing of criticisms against the king.

The unrest began in 2019 when the government banned the most vocal party opposing the power of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha. Thai citizens are calling for his removal due to the potentially corrupt manner in which he came to power. In 2014 it is said that Prayut staged a coup that shifted his position from army chief to prime minister. The monarchy endorsed his premiership in 2019, allowing him to stay in power after elections which were controversially deemed “fair.”

The Grand Palace in Bangkok. Tom Eversley. CC0

The protests were put on hold through the early part of the year due to COVID-19, but are now growing at a rapid rate. In early October, the government accused protesters of obstructing Queen Suthida’s motorcade during a mass gathering at the Government House to demand the removal of Prayut. Despite the government’s imposition of emergency measures such as banning the gatherings of five or more people, forbidding the publication of news that could “harm national security” and deploying 15,000 police officers to quell the protesters, tens of thousands continually show up to stand for their rights.

Woman waving the Thai flag. The Global Panorama. CC BY-SA 2.0

According to Human Rights Watch, the new emergency measures are allowing officials to keep protesters for up to 30 days without bail or access to lawyers and family members. Human Rights Watch’s deputy director of the Asia Division, Phil Robertson, stated that, “Rights to freedom of speech and holding peaceful public assemblies are on the chopping block from a government that is now showing its truly dictatorial nature.”

University students seem to be at the core of the current demonstrations. The Free Youth Movement was behind the first major protest back in July, inspiring a group from Thammasat University to establish the United Front of Thammasat. Even high school students have joined the fray, identifying as the Bad Student Movement, as they call for education reform. Most of these kids are in their twenties, but they have attracted the attention and support of human rights leaders and lawyers like Arnon Nampa, who was arrested in October along with prominent youth leaders.

Panupon Jadnok, a teenage protest leader, led a passionate speech during a rally:

“Like dogs cornered, we are fighting till our deaths. We won't fall back. We won't run away. We won't go anywhere.”

Raising their hands in the iconic three-finger salute made popular by ”The Hunger Games,” protesters are shouting in the streets for the police to “release [their] friends” and to stop being “slaves of dictatorship.” They will continue to fight for what they believe is right until all of their demands have been met and their friends and country are free.

Yuliana Rocio

is currently a Literature/Writing major at the University of California San Diego. Yuliana likes to think of herself as a lover of words and a student of the world. She loves to read, swim, and paint in her free time. She spent her youth as part of a travel-loving family and has grown up seeking adventure. She hopes to develop her writing skills, creating work that reflects her voice and her fierce passion for activism.

In Turkey, Academia Reckons with Ongoing Effects of Brain Drain

August 8, 2019

Following a post-coup crackdown by President Erdoğan, the Turkish intelligentsia is under continuous siege.

Faculty of Political Sciences, Ankara University. Fæ via Wikimedia Commons; originally by SALT Research via Flickr.

For some professors, the change occurred overnight, and with no warning: One day, they reported to work as usual, taught their classes, and returned home safe and secure. The next, they were met outside the gates of their university by swathes of security guards threatening them with tear gas, who informed them that their careers had been terminated, effective immediately. Such sudden and shocking occurrences reflected the overall timbre of 2017 for Turkish academics—hundreds of whom found themselves purged from their jobs in what they described as an officially sanctioned “intellectual massacre.”

The purge was precipitated by the failed coup of July 2016, which resulted in more than 260 fatalities and spurred President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to declare a three-month state of emergency. During that state of emergency and in the ensuing months, hundreds of academics from more than 20 universities lost their jobs without notice—the result of drastic action by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which chose to detain, arrest, and fire thousands of public-sector workers in various different fields rather than pressing charges on those responsible for the coup attempt.

According to Erdoğan, the responsible party was Fethullah Gulen, an exiled cleric and former ally who the authorities claim infiltrated supporters into professions all over Turkey as part of a large-scale takeover scheme. Gulen denies having any part in the plan, and many purged academics said they had nothing to do with Gulen’s movement and were unsure how they ended up on the official hit list. Turkey’s Official Gazette describes the banned academics as having “suspected links to terrorist organizations and structures presenting a threat to national security,” but those accused hold a contrasting view: “It is a project to silence all dissident voices within the academy,” Murat Sevinc, who was fired from Ankara University’s Political Science faculty, told Reuters. “The government has seen you can silence 100 academics by firing only one.”

One commonality among many of the academics was their membership in a movement called Academics for Peace, or “Barış için Akademi syenler.” Of the 330 fired in October 2017, 115 had signed an Academics for Peace petition titled “We shall not be a party of crime,” which took a stand against violence in the mainly Kurdish provinces of Turkey. The signatories immediately faced demonization in the pro-government media and condemnation by Erdoğan.

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. U.S. Department of State.

As of March 2017, the total count of purged academics was above 7,300. Those affected were not only deprived of their jobs but also banned from taking other jobs in any public or private institutions, robbed of retirement rights, and even suspended from traveling. Certain universities and departments were particularly hard-hit—for example, the Faculty of Political Sciences at Ankara University, Turkey’s oldest collegiate institution and one comparable in prestige and rigor to France’s Sciences Po. The departments of journalism at Ankara and at Istanbul’s University of Marmara were also decimated. Emre Tansu Keten, a casualty of the purge at Marmara, told Vocal Europe, “I am simply proud to be in the same list along with my senior colleagues who are thrown out because of the opinion they expressed.” Students, though not the primary victims of the situation, were nevertheless left reeling with the realization that their universities were mere shadows of the places at which they had enrolled.

The purges of 2017 were hardly the first shockwave to ripple through Turkey’s academic sector in recent years. In the past few decades, Turkish academic life has frequently been tumultuous, with intellectuals embroiled in military takeovers, secular/religious tensions, and leftist/nationalist battles. Following the start of European Union accession talks in 2004, however, fresh influxes of funding allowed Turkish institutions to construct modern research labs, encouraging students to study in Turkey rather than in the United States or elsewhere in Europe.

That progress, some academics suggest, is now in jeopardy. Following the coup attempt and subsequent crackdown, the trend of intellectuals returning in Turkey took a sharp U-turn, with liberals, secularists, and the intelligentsia fleeing the encroachment of religious nationalism. Between the signing of the Academics for Peace petition in 2016 and the end of 2017, nearly 700 Turkish academics applied to the New York–based organization Scholars at Risk to be relocated to a safer position. Historically, many such applications have been successful: In the five years preceding 2017, approximately 17,000 Turkish nationals came to Britain, 7,000 to Germany, and 5,000 to France.

For academics remaining in Turkey, opportunities for rebuilding their careers are slim, and rewards for their work few and far between. In 2018, the more than 2,000 individuals who make up Academics for Peace finally received recognition in the form of the Courage to Think Defender Award from Scholars at Risk, which applauded the group for their “extraordinary efforts in building academic solidarity and in promoting the principles of academic freedom, freedom of inquiry, and the peaceful exchange of ideas.” Scholars at Risk went on to acknowledge the tenuous state of academic affairs in Turkey, writing, “The nomination is a specific recognition of Academics for Peace’s solidarity work, and at the same time a general recognition of the current pressures on all scholars, students and higher education institutions in and from Turkey.”

Haydarpaşa campus of Marmara University. Fikricoban. CC BY-SA 3.0

On the ground, academics across the country continue to participate in protests, boycotts, and sit-ins at various universities, while a donation fund supports victims of the purge. As of early 2017, Ankara’s “Street Academy” hosted public lectures on Sundays, extending a special invitation to workers and oppressed communities. Funda Şenol Cantek, one of the throngs of fired academics, expressed her defiance to The Advocate: “the government should worry more now that they expand academia to the streets.” Similarly, Sevilay Celenk said of the occasional lectures she holds in public parks, “We took these dismissals as an opportunity to push the limits and bring university together with the streets.”

In June 2019, the body politic of Turkey elected an opposition candidate as mayor of Istanbul, interrupting two decades of control by the AKP. Nevertheless, reported the New York Times, “something about this era under Erdogan has still felt different, more lasting, as if the continuing existence of the A.K.P.’s repressive policies will permanently impair otherwise resilient, historic institutions.” That feeling doubtless stems in part from the uncertain futures facing vast swathes of Turkey’s once-resilient academic sector: As of spring 2019, the legal proceedings concerning 501 members of Academics for Peace remain ongoing. And at the universities, absence is keenly felt. Inside Ankara’s Faculty of Political Science—known as the Mulkiye—walls once plastered with leftist posters are now smattered with a sparse assortment of Turkish flags, the Times described. Certain subjects, such as Foucault and queer theory, have been wiped from the schedule. Master’s and doctoral courses have been canceled, and at the once-lively film society, the showing of films has been banned altogether. Thus, the effects of the purge linger on: in the hallowed halls of universities, in the leafy parks and city streets, and in the hearts and minds of Turkish learners and teachers around the world.

TALYA PHELPS hails from the wilds of upstate New York, but dreams of exploring the globe. As former editor-in-chief at the student newspaper of her alma mater, Vassar College, and the daughter of a journalist, she hopes to follow her passion for writing and editing for many years to come. Contact her if you're looking for a spirited debate on the merits of the em dash vs. the hyphen.

Students Across Europe Protest in Hopes of a Greener Future

February 27, 2019

After years of political gridlock surrounding climate change legislation, students emerge as a force for change.

Photo of a student protester. By Josh Barwick on Unsplash.

Thousands of students across Europe left school on Friday, February 15 to protest the lack of action on climate issues in their countries. In what the New York Times called a “coordinated walk out for action on climate issues,” elementary, middle, high school, and undergraduate students came together to demand a greener future. In London, protestors held signs reading “The ocean is rising and so are we” and “Act now or swim later.”

The student-led movement for climate action that is currently taking Europe by storm began with 16-year-old Swedish activist Greta Thunberg. In September, Thunberg started skipping class to stage sit-ins at the Swedish parliament, demanding that her government seriously address climate change. Thunberg’s action inspired teens worldwide, some of whom created the global movement Youth Strike 4 Climate and began organizing protests and walkouts, using social media to coordinate efforts. According to the New York Times, demonstrations have been held in Belgium, Britain, France, Germany, Ireland, Sweden, and Switzerland, among others.

The New York Times writes that the new organization gained even more energy in October of 2018 when a report from the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change disclosed that the world has only twelve years to change its climate policy before the consequences of inaction such as food shortages, rising sea levels, floods and forest fires manifest themselves.

Thunberg remains a notable voice in the movement she inspired, and went on to speak at the global climate-change conference in Poland last December. “You say you love your children above all else — and yet you are stealing their future in front of their very eyes,” she told politicians at the conference. “Until you start focusing on what needs to be done rather than what is politically possible, there is no hope. We cannot solve a crisis without treating it as a crisis.”

In British schools, protesters received mixed reactions from teachers and staff. While some encouraged students, others threatened to punish them for skipping class. “My school was not supportive at the start. They said I would get detention for unauthorized absence,” Anna Taylor, the seventeen-year-old co-founder of the UK Student Climate Network told the New York Times.

Sixteen-year-old Bonnie Morely, who was attending the strike with friends from school, told the New York Times that a head teacher had taken down posters advertising the strike in her school’s common areas. “They’re treating us like we are doing something really wrong,” Morley said. “The future of our planet is looking really bleak, and all the politicians are asleep at the wheel. We have to wake them up, and I think thousands of kids on the streets will do just that.”

Like the teachers, European politicians displayed mixed reactions, with some supporting the students and others going so far as to suggest that the strikes were the product of a secret governmental organization.

According to the New York Times, a spokesperson for British Prime Minister Theresa May said that, “everybody wants young people to be engaged in the issues that affect them most so that we can build a brighter future for all of us. But it is important to emphasize that disruption increases teachers’ workloads and wastes lesson time that teachers have carefully prepared for.”

Thunberg tweeted in response: “British PM says that the children on school strike are ‘wasting lesson time.’ That may well be the case, but then again, political leaders have wasted 30 years of inaction. And that is slightly worse.”

“We don’t miss school because we’re lazy or because we don’t want to go to school,” Jakob Blasel, a high school student who assisted with the organization of an earlier protest in Berlin told the Washington Post. “We can’t go to school, because we have to strike. We have to deliver an uncomfortable message to our leaders that it can’t go on this way.”

Youth for climate is currently planning another round of protests and another global youth strike for March 15. The movement is growing and more students from nations across the world are expected to join.

Emma Bruce is an undergraduate student studying English and marketing at Emerson College in Boston. While not writing she explores the nearest museums, reads poetry, and takes classes at her local dance studio. She is passionate about sustainable travel and can't wait to see where life will take her.