Barack Obama Plaza: Ireland’s Gas Station Tribute to the 44th President

Learn about the gas station that doubles as a museum to the 44th president of the United States.

Land of a thousand welcomes. O’Dea. CC BY-SA 4.0.

On the M7 motorway between Dublin and Limerick, Ireland, a tired and hungry traveler can find just the service station they need. It provides a gas station, fast food outlets, and a convenience store. If the traveler has a little time to spare, they can head upstairs to the museum dedicated to Barack Obama, the United States’ 44th president. 

It’s a surreal mix of a service station and a presidential memorial. Signs with Obama’s name adorn everything from the floor mats to trash cans to cups of tea. Cardboard cutouts of the former U.S. president and first lady greet every entrant. Upstairs, display cases proudly show off memorabilia from Obama’s 2008 presidential campaign and his visit to the nearby village of Moneygall. 

Obama fever swept Ireland when an Irish genealogist discovered that Obama’s great-great-great-grandfather, Fulmoth Kearney, emigrated from Moneygall to a farm in rural Ohio in 1850. The discovery added yet another twist to Obama’s multifaceted heritage and led to a 2011 visit by the president. 

Moneygall adorned its streets with Irish and American flags to welcome the presidential motorcade. Locals lined the streets to welcome the president and first lady as they met Obama’s eighth cousin Henry, whom the president dubbed “Henry the Eighth.” Most famously, they stopped by Ollie Hayes’ Pub to drink a pint of Guinness. “We feel very much at home here,” Obama said. “I feel even more at home after that pint that I just had.”

What’s the craic, Barack? Charles McCain. CC0.

As a nation defined by diaspora, Ireland welcomes prominent figures from across the world into its fold. The Great Potato Famine of 1845 forced millions to flee Ireland penniless and starving, beginning a long pattern of emigration in search of a better life. Over the course of the next century, Irish migrants spread across the world. Though Ireland’s population numbers only 5 million, 80 million people worldwide can claim Irish ancestry.

So when Barack Obama discovered his Irish roots, the nation feverishly celebrated his visit. His speech in Dublin packed the city’s streets. Convenience stores stocked up on presidential souvenirs and knickknacks. Musicians celebrated Obama’s homecoming in song. The Corrigan Brothers wrote the minor hit “There’s No One As Irish As Barack O’bama” while fiddler Martin Hayes still regularly performs “The Barack Obama Reel.”

Martin Hayes and Dennis Cahill performing “The Barack Obama Reel”

Obama’s 2012 reelection campaign couldn’t have been far from his mind, speculated political analysts. Irish-Americans constitute a large voting bloc, so his ceremonial visit to Ireland played well to a key demographic. As Obama noted in a later address in Belfast, Northern Ireland, “When I was first running for office in Chicago, I didn’t know this [his Irish ancestry], but I wish I had. It pays to be Irish in Chicago.” It pays nationwide as well.

Obama fever culminated in the half-charming, half-embarrassing Barack Obama Plaza. The $9 million project opened in 2014, long after Obama's first visit, but an earnest love persists across the Emerald Isle. In 2016, the service station wondered whether it should change its name to “Trump’s Pumps” or “Hillary’s Fillery.” The change never happened. Obama fever’s symptoms are long-lasting.

Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Is the South African Apartheid Actually Over?

The economic disparity in South African metropolises like Johannesburg points back to the apartheid, with one side of town obviously White and upper-middle class while the other is mostly Black and full of rundown, tottering homes.

Kuku Town, a small settlement of Black South Africans on the outskirts of Cape Town. Slum Dwellers International. CC BY 2.0.

The South African apartheid officially ended in 1994, abolishing the country’s long-standing policy of racial segregation across its social and economic relations. 26 years later, though, remnants of the apartheid are still apparent in the infrastructure of South Africa’s largest cities. As it stands, a majority of the country remains segregated as a result of systemic racism. 

South African cities Johannesburg, East Rand and East London have the greatest income inequality in the world; multimillionaires flock to luxurious homes in close proximity to overpopulated and underserved townships. It is clear that the dissolution of the apartheid state, although significant, represented more of a symbolic change than a material one. The notable rise of a Black middle class fails to overshadow the fact that almost two-thirds of South Africa’s Black population lives below the poverty line. 

Johannesburg’s central business district, which was largely abandoned by top firms in favor of the city’s affluent suburbs. Evan Bench. CC BY 2.0.

A Brief History of the Apartheid

Beginning in 1948, the South African government attempted to shift its economic and political conditions through stringent racial segregation. Spearheaded by the White supremacist National Party, the apartheid separated South Africa into four “nations”: Black Africans, “Coloureds” (those of mixed ancestry), Asians and Whites. . Whites received preferential treatment in nearly every aspect of society, with Black Africans facing the most severe discrimination.

These enforcements impacted public spaces, but also regulated marital practices and sexual relations. Black and White people were banned from participating in romantic relationships with each other. One of the most visible actualizations of segregation, though, occurred decades before the apartheid began through a series of “Land Acts.” These discriminatory laws, passed in 1913, granted 86.5% of South Africa’s property to Whites and restricted nonwhite individuals from entering these sectors without proper documentation. 

Over the decades of apartheid, there existed a constant threat of violence against nonwhite individuals by the government. Rural regions newly designated as “Whites-only” led to Black South Africans being violently removed from their homes and displaced into remote and abjectly poor regions called “Bantustans.” From 1961 to 1994, up to 3.5 million Black people were forcibly removed from their homes. The state-sanctioned violence ended in the mid-1990s with the enfranchisement of nonwhite groups and the integration of all races. The decades of government-enforced violations of basic rights, however, have solidified the material and political disadvantages of South Africa’s Black majority. 

Glimpses of the Apartheid Today

The integration which occurred in 1994 proved to be ineffectual; the historically White neighborhoods remain the same while the districts for Black people are also still homogenous. These predominantly Black neighborhoods often suffer from high crime rates and debilitating unemployment rates. The legislation regarding South African race relations may have changed, but socioeconomically, Blacks are disproportionately unemployed and paid less when in the labor market. Johannesburg’s predominantly-White suburbs of Sandton and Sandhurst taunt the majority with $10 million homes, attracting the richest 20% of the country who hold 68% of all wealth. 

A South African citizen, Ntandoyenkosi Mlambo, shared her sentiments with The Guardian about the current state of Cape Town: “The constitutional right to movement has changed so people of color are able to move in different areas. However, the economic and land ownership disadvantages which are still linked to people of color make cities inaccessible for most to live and thrive in. Also, the criminalization of homelessness further entrenches the lived reality that only a few have the right to the city.”

The lifting of the apartheid did significantly increase the size of the Black middle class and allowed some to attain wealth. However, the diversification of the suburbs can hardly be considered progress when the top 10% of Black South Africans own nearly 50% of the group’s income. The state provided grants to members of the lower class in an attempt to decrease income inequality, but the policy has so far fallen short of substantial change.

Heather Lim

recently earned her B.A. in Literatures in English from University of California, San Diego. She was editor of the Arts and Culture section of The Triton, a student-run newspaper. She plans on working in art criticism, which combines her love of visual art with her passion for journalism.

The Back-to-Africa Movement: A Response to Racism

Some Black Americans have chosen to move to Africa to embrace their heritage and ancestral roots after experiencing racism, violence and stereotyping in the United States. 

A village in Tanzania. ceasrgp. CC BY-SA 2.0

The Back-to-Africa movement was initially started to encourage those of African ancestry to travel back to Africa where their ancestors once lived. Even though many are unsure of the movement’s founder, many in the U.S. attribute it to Marcus Garvey, who founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association in 1914 in New York City’s Harlem district. He encouraged many Black people to seek social equality even if it meant moving to Africa through “self-emancipation.”

However, the Back-to-Africa movement can be traced even further back to the 19th century and the establishment of the American Colonization Society The predominantly-White group, founded by Robert Finley in 1817, shipped up to 12,000 freed slaves and freeborn Black Americans to Liberia. Historians’ views on the American Colonization Society’s work remain split; some view it as an early group dedicated to Black Americans’ freedom while others see it as nothing more than an attempt to remove Black people from the United States. Either way, the group was unpopular among the African American community, and should not be confused with more recent Back-to-Africa movements.

Painting of Marcus Garvey. David Drissel. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

Many African Americans have more recently picked up the Back-to-Africa movement to help strengthen Black identity. Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcom X both made visits to Ghana in order to reconnect with their heritage. 

Obadele Kambon is a recent example of the modern Back-to-Africa movement. Kambon was living in Chicago in 2007 when he was wrongfully accused of possessing a loaded firearm illegally in his car. In reality, he had an unloaded, licensed gun. The fear of mistreatment and wrongful convictions, sometimes even leading to death, was a main influence in Kambon’s decision to move to Ghana in 2008.He said his participation in the Back-to-Africa movement made him realize what it “feels like to be a White person in America, just to be able to live without worrying that something is going to happen to you.”

Many of those who have moved to Africa from the United States fear that “nothing can fix [racism].” Africa holds the potential to reconnect people with their roots while offering them a life less affected by racism and violence. 71% of African Americans in the United States have said that they have experienced discrimination in some form. For many African Americans, heading abroad frees them from the need to prove themselves to be more than their skin color.

2019 was marked by Ghanaian President Nana Akufo-Addo as the “Year of Return.” It coincided with the 400th anniversary of what is believed to be the first enslaved Africans arriving in the United States. Last year, Ghana rewarded over 100 citizenships to Black individuals from the Americas as a part of its “Year of Return” initiative. The campaign brought over 500,000 visitors to the region—and some of them have decided to stay.

Eva Ashbaugh

is a Political Science and Gender, Sexuality, and Women's Studies double major at the University of Pittsburgh. As a political science major concentrating on International Relations, she is passionate about human rights, foreign policy, and fighting for equality. She hopes to one day travel and help educate people to make the world a better place.