How King Leopold’s Colonial Legacy Still Haunts the Congo Today

Occupied by Belgians for almost 80 years, the effects of colonization still resonate in the Democratic Republic of the Congo decades after independence.

A refugee center in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. United Nations Photo. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

As the leader of the small European country of Belgium in the 1880s, King Leopold II did not have much political clout with his fellow European statesmen. He wanted more political power so he achieved this by gaining personal control of a vast swath of Central Africa, which became the Congo Free State. King Leopold ruthlessly subjugated the local populations of the region in order to extract as much raw materials such as ivory and rubber as possible, committing human rights violations in the process. It was not until 1902 when Joseph Conrad published the novel Heart of Darkness criticizing Leopold’s administration of the Congo and in 1904 when Edmund Dene Morel published a report detailing the atrocities in the Congo did Western public opinion turn against King Leopold, who was forced in 1908 to relinquish control of the Congo Free State to the Belgian government.

Today, those atrocities committed by King Leopold and the Belgians are still felt by the area, now the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The relationship that the Belgian colonial administration espoused was one of paternalism, where the Congolese were treated like children, which resulted in them unprepared for self-determination. When the DRC gained independence in 1960, it plunged into a state of sporadic political conflicts due to the dictatorship of Mobutu Sese Seko that lasted until the 1990s. The peace that ended that drawn out conflict only lasted a short time, and violence soon erupted again. 

Currently, the eastern region of the country is held by at least 122 rebel groups, with the legitimate government struggling to control the region. That has caused more than 5 million people to be displaced between 2017 and 2019 and an additional 72,000 and counting since May 2022, with many fleeing areas controlled by rebel groups. Many areas receiving refugees are overwhelmed and do not have the proper infrastructure to support them.

The almost incessant warfare since independence may seem unconnected to the legacy of imperialism, but that is not the case. The seeds for the present political instability were sowed when the Congo was under Belgian rule. The Congo is a region with vast natural resources, from ivory and rubber of old to the mineral wealth of today. The abundance of raw materials and resources  was exactly why Congo was colonized. When the borders of Africa were carved up by European powers, no regard was made to the various tribes already living in the area. Some groups of people were divided between different countries, and enemy tribes sometimes found themselves within the same domain. When the DRC gained independence, the various tribes were not united, leading to no coherent vision for the future of the country, thus sowing political instability.

In addition, since the purpose of the Congo Free State was solely to enrich King Leopold and later Belgium, there was no effort to develop a political or academic class among the local population. As such, at independence, there was no model of self-governance to follow after decades of infantilization by Europeans. That caused Mobutu Sese Seko to take advantage of the power vacuum and install himself dictator for more than 30 years.

The international response to the violence in the DRC has deprived the country of even more of its sustenance. International companies are refusing to do business with the DRC due to its human rights violations, depriving many of the mining jobs that they depend on. In order to survive, those people end up joining rebel groups, further perpetuating the violence. 

The cycle of violence that started with Belgian occupation did not end in the 1990s. Subsequent leaders of the DRC used violence to consolidate their rule, since that was the only method they ever experienced. But, efforts have been made to ensure a sustainable future. The UN is stepping in by giving the DRC a peacebuilding fund to provide services to ex-rebels to reintegrate into their communities and to support over 300 women miners to better manage their sites and defend their rights. UNICEF also supports school reopenings, an essential indicator of peace. By prioritizing the reopening of schools in conflict zones, UNICEF ensures peaceful coexistence after prolonged conflict. The outside aid that the DRC is receiving gives local communities the agency to control their future. 

To Get Involved

Cordaid is one organization providing humanitarian aid to the region. Another organization working to improve conditions by enabling local communities to form cooperatives that can successfully sustain peace in the communities in the DRC is Peace Direct.

Bryan Fok

Bryan is currently a History and Global Affairs major at the University of Notre Dame. He aims to apply the notion of Integral Human Development as a framework for analyzing global issues. He enjoys hiking and visiting national parks.

The Colonial Legacy of the Portuguese in Macau

Though Macau has been an autonomous region of China since 1998, its 400 years of Portuguese rule has given Macau a distinctive flair found nowhere else in Asia.

The pastel-colored buildings of Senado Square give off a European flair. Teen Wolf. CC BY-NC 2.0.

Macau, a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of China, located on the Pearl River Delta south of Guangdong province, was a Portuguese colony from 1557 to 1999. In its early years, the city quickly became a bustling commercial center, since it was at the crossroads of several notable trade routes. It was the gateway to China for the Portuguese. By the time Macau became a SAR of China  in 1999, ending the period of European colonization of Asia, the Portuguese had left their mark on the city. 

When the Portuguese first established Macau as a colony, settlement was limited to a small island that became the Macau Peninsula. As the original colony expanded, it incorporated the islands of Taipa and Coloane. Today, the land between Taipa and Coloane has been reclaimed, and the resulting strip of land, the Cotai Strip, is home to many casinos. Those casinos are one of the major economic drivers of Macau, generating even more revenue than Las Vegas, and they attract many tourists from around Asia. Macau is quickly becoming a cosmopolitan center, but the historic core of the region, on the Macau peninsula, is full of buildings constructed in the Portuguese style. Other influences remain of Portuguese rule, such as its cuisine, languages and legal system.

Architecture

The ruins of St. Paul’s Church. Christian Junker | Photography. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. 

It is easy to spot the Portuguese influence on the buildings in Macau, because many of them have Ionic columns and baroque appearances. The Portuguese mainly left their mark on religious and administrative buildings in the city, such as the Ruins of St. Paul’s Church and the buildings of Senado Square. 

St. Paul’s Church was built between 1604 and 1640 by the Jesuits, and the church became their base of operations in Asia. It was the largest church in Asia at the time and was called the “Vatican of the Far East”. The baroque front of the church combines Eastern elements, as Japanese Christians who were fleeing persecution in their home country were involved with its construction. However, most of the church was made of wood, and much of it burned down during a typhoon in 1836. All that remains is its ornate façade, which has become a popular site in Macau.

The Holy House of Mercy is intricately linked with the early history of Macau. wiredtourist.com. CC BY 2.0.

The historic colonial administrative buildings are also preserved in Senado Square, which is full of pastel-colored, neo-classical buildings. It served as the main town square in centuries past and it contains a fountain. The square is flanked by the Leal Senado Building and the Holy House of Mercy. The Leal Senado Building, built in 1784 in a neoclassical style, was Macau’s first municipal chamber. Today, the building continues to host the city’s municipal council meets. There is also a Portuguese-styled courtyard behind the building.

Across Senado Square from the Leal Senado Building lies the Macau Holy House of Mercy. Built in 1569 shortly after the establishment of the colony, the Holy House of Mercy served as a medical institution originally and now serves a charitable institution. The Holy House of Mercy is also a present-day museum that holds a collection of Macau’s Catholic relics, telling the story of how Western culture entered Asia through the city.

Cuisine

Macau egg tart. foodnut.com. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Portuguese influences also affect the food of Macau, which is “one of the best places in the world to sample Portuguese cuisine.” It is easy to find signature Portuguese dishes such as bacalhau, which is dried and salted cod, in local restaurants. 

Macau is also the home of the world’s first fusion cuisine, combining Chinese and Portuguese influences into local staples. Portuguese settlers in Macau added new spices and herbs to traditional Chinese foods and introduced new cooking methods like roasting, grilling and stewing to create a unique Macanese cuisine. Today, well-known Macanese dishes include minchi (considered Macau’s national dish and made from minced beef, soya sauce, onions and fried egg), tacho (a stew containing both Chinese and Western ingredients) and cappela (a meatloaf with cheese, black olives and breadcrumbs). Another popular dish, the Macau egg tart, has its origins in Portuguese pastries, but they are slightly different from similar dishes found in Portugal and neighboring Hong Kong.

Language

Street signs in Macau are still written in both Chinese and Portuguese. shankar s. CC BY 2.0.

The Portuguese language retained its official status in Macau after the handover, but only around 6,200 people speak it (based on the data from 2014). While its popularity dwindled in the years immediately following the handover, the Portuguese language has seen a resurgence in Macau due to the increase in Lusophone countries doing business with China, which is leading to a growing number of people learning it. 

Macau is also the home of the very unique creole language of Macanese Patois, also known as patuá to its native speakers, which is a combination of Cantonese and Portuguese with a few influences from Malay and Indian languages. There is no standard orthography in the language. The number of speakers is decreasing rapidly, and it is only spoken by around 50 people of Macanese ancestry. The Macanese people are a distinct group of people who are of mixed Portuguese and Chinese ancestry. However, there is a growing effort to preserve the language, with a drama group called Doci Papiaçam di Macau leading the revival by performing original plays in patuá.

Legal System

Macau government headquarters, which was also built in a Portuguese architectural style. Friscocali. CC BY-NC 2.0.

When Macau was returned to China in 1999, the Chinese government promised that Macau would be governed under the concept of “one country, two systems”. As part of that arrangement, Macau would be able to keep its existing political and economic systems for at least 50 years after becoming an SAR of China. Because of this, the legal code of Macau, though it is under Chinese sovereignty, is still based on the Portuguese legal code. However, recently, the Chinese government has undermined the agreements to keep the Portuguese legal code in place by removing Portuguese judges from presiding over sensitive cases. As China exerts more influences over Macau, which may have diminished some Portuguese influences, and the city could be in a much different place by 2049, when the agreement made in 1999 ends.

Bryan Fok

Bryan is currently a History and Global Affairs major at the University of Notre Dame. He aims to apply the notion of Integral Human Development as a framework for analyzing global issues. He enjoys hiking and visiting national parks.

The Influx of ‘Pisupo’: Food Colonialism in the South Pacific

Globalization has created an influx of unhealthy canned food in the South Pacific region, leading to a dependency on it and increasing health issues associated with an unhealthy diet. 

The influx of canned food in the South Pacific has led to a variety of problems. Salvation Army USA West. CC BY 2.0.

The legacy of colonialism has a lasting impact on the island of the South Pacific. Many of those islands have been colonized by Western powers, and some of them are still under the control of foreign countries. Due to this, Western influences are still pervasive throughout the region. 

One lasting legacy of Western imperialism in the South Pacific is the introduction of canned and processed food. The first canned food to be brought to the region was pea soup, and therefore, Samoan and a few other languages of the region, the word for canned food in general is “pisupo.” Today, the predominant type of canned food in the region is corned beef.

The prevalence of canned food in the South Pacific has changed the diets of the people living there and has caused a dependence on them. The new diets of the South Pacific Islanders are not necessarily an improvement from their traditional diets. However, as canned and processed foods are generally unhealthy and lacking in nutrients. That has resulted in an increase of obesity, diabetes and heart disease. Between 1990 and 2010, the total disability-adjusted life years lost to obesity also quadrupled in the region.

The traditional diets of South Pacific Islanders provide the nutrients needed for a healthy life. whl.travel. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

In order to provide these new foods, livestock such as cattle and pigs have been introduced to the islands, causing ecological damage. The island ecosystems are fragile, and large-scale ranching can easily destroy them. The dependence on canned food introduced by the West has resulted in not only harm to health, but also harm to the environment.

The proliferation of packaged and processed food has affected other parts of society as well, not just the typical diets. In marriage and birthday ceremonies in traditional South Pacific cultures, people often exchange gifts. While in the past, common gifts included fine mats and decorated barkcloths, but today, canned corned beef is one of the more popular gifts at those events. The introduction of canned foods has even changed traditional practices and contributed to the prevalent unhealthy diets of the South Pacific Islanders.

“Pisupo Lua Afe (Corned Beef 2000)” is a piece of art by Michael Tuffery that critiques the food dependency of the South Pacific. Sheep’R’Us. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

The neocolonial nature of these developments has its critics. One of them, Michael Tuffery, offers a unique interpretation through his artwork, with one of the most notable being “Pisupo Lua Afe,” a sculpture of a bull made from canned corned beef. He says that his art addresses the impact that the “exploitation of the Pacific’s natural resources has wrought on the traditional Pacific lifestyle.” His choice of subject matter and the material show his thoughts on the influx of canned food in the South Pacific. Bulls were a common presence at the aforementioned ceremonies, and the fact that the bull is covered in canned corned beef represents the fact that more traditional practices. Tuffery laments the changes that globalization has brought to his traditional Samoan culture, which has led to a “decline of indigenous cooking skills.”

With so much waste being created in the making of “Pisupo Lua Afe,” Tuffery calls into question whether the physical and cultural costs of food dependence are worth it. Could the South Pacific do better without the influx of canned food? Tuffery argues that it could. But even if the South Pacific Islanders decide to shun the prevalence of canned food, hurdles remain to improve the health of both the land and people of the region.

Bryan Fok

Bryan is currently a History and Global Affairs major at the University of Notre Dame. He aims to apply the notion of Integral Human Development as a framework for analyzing global issues. He enjoys hiking and visiting national parks.

8 Independence Days Around the World 

The U.S. is not the only country that celebrates freedom from colonial rule. These eight countries have their own vibrant traditions to commemorate their independence days. 

Women at an Independence Day parade in Jakarta, Indonesia. World Resources Institute. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 

The Fourth of July is celebrated with parades, cookouts, fireworks displays and red-white-and-blue decorations as a way  to commemorate the 1776 signing of the Declaration of Independence, which declared independence from British colonial rule. Although most people in the U.S. know the story of the Revolutionary War and the fight for independence, the U.S. is far from the only nation to struggle for autonomy under colonialism. Colonialism, typically perpetrated by large European powers like the British, Spanish and Portuguese empires, continued long after the U.S. won its independence. Many of the countries on the list below did not receive freedom from their colonial rulers until the end of World War II. Like the U.S., these eight countries each have their own traditions to honor their journey to independence. 

When reading about independence, it is important to note that colonialism is not just a thing of the past; he UN reports that nearly 2 million people still live under colonialism in the 21st century. It is important that world media continue to advocate for political equality and self-government. 

1. Mexico 

Contrary to common belief, Cinco de Mayo is not Mexico’s independence day. Cinco de Mayo commemorates Mexico’s victory over France in the May 5, 1862 Battle of Puebla during the Franco-Mexican War. Mexico’s independence day falls on September 16 and celebrates the country’s liberation from Spain, which ruled Mexico as a colony for over 300 years. The day marks the anniversary of “El Grito de Dolores” (The Cry of Dolores), a rallying speech made in 1810 by Father Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, a Catholic priest advocating for revolution. It is said that on the night of September 16, 1810, Father Hidalgo rang the church bell in the town of Dolores and urged the assembled villagers to revolt. He then took up the banner of the Virgin of Guadalupe, the patron saint of Mexico. Father Hidalgo’s cry began the Mexican War of Independence, a bloody fight which raged until August 24, 1821, when Spain officially withdrew and recognized Mexico as an independent country.  

Today, Father Hidalgo is known as the Father of Mexican Independence; each year on September 16, his rallying cry is celebrated with fireworks, parades and live music. Also,  the president of Mexico reenacts “El Grito” by ringing the church bell of Dolores and reciting the speech made by Father Hidalgo over two hundred years ago. The event draws massive crowds eager to honor Mexico’s fight for independence. 

2. South Korea 

Korea’s National Liberation Day, or “Gwangbokjeol”, is celebrated in both South and North Korea annually on August 15, the date of the official establishment of the Republic of Korea. Korea struggled under Japanese imperial rule for 35 years until the end of World War II  in 1945. Beginning in 1910, Korea was a Japanese colony. Korea’s social, political and economic policies were controlled by Japan, and many Koreans faced forced assimilation into Japanese culture, such as being made to take Japanese names. During Japan’s occupation, there were many movements that attempted to gain independence for Korean. The most notable of these began on March 1, 1919, when a group of Korean nationalists started a series of demonstrations calling for Korean independence. The demonstrations continued for a year and approximately 2 million people participated in over 1,500 demonstrations before they were quashed by Japanese forces. Despite continuous efforts from Korean independence groups, the country did not earn its independence until August 15, 1945. Exactly three years later, on August 15, 1948, the Republic of Korea was established. South Korea also celebrates Foundation Day, which falls on October 3 each year. It commemorates the foundation of Gojoseon, the first Korean kingdom, in 2333 B.C.

The South Korean flag is flown across the country on National Liberation Day, from streetlights and outside public buildings to private residences. The South Korean government holds an official celebration, and the day even has an official song. On National Liberation Day, the descendants of independence activists can ride public transport and visit museums for free, and the government can grant special pardons to prisoners. National Liberation Day is occasionally celebrated with fireworks, but South Korea’s larger fireworks displays are reserved for Foundation Day. 

The independence monument in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Ethan Crowley. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 

3. Cambodia

Full Cambodian independence came on November 9, 1953, when France officially gave up control of the region. The region that is now Cambodia became part of the French protectorate of Indochina in 1863 and remained under French influence for nearly a century. In 1941, France installed Norodom Sihanouk, from Phnom Penh, Cambodia, on the throne. As King under the French protectorate, Sihanouk had little power; France was still the main force controlling Cambodia. However, toward the end of World War II  in March 1945, Sihanouk declared Cambodia’s independence after realizing, similarly as had the South Koreans with Japan, that France’s involvement in the war had left it weaker in the colony. When the war ended, France regained military control of the region, but Sihanouk’s declaration had ignited a push for independence within Cambodia. In 1953, France finally agreed to recognize Cambodia as an independent state with Sihanouk as its leader. The French military finally withdrew in 1954, and Sihanouk founded the People’s Socialist Community in 1955. Sihanouk remained involved in Cambodian politics for years, serving as prime minister, foreign minister, UN representative and later as King again. 

Each year on November 9, people flock to Phnom Penh to gather around the independence monument. Members of the Cambodian government, including the monarch, assemble at the monument as well and speeches are made. The gathering is followed by a colorful parade outside the Royal Palace, complete with floats and live music from marching bands. At night, the Royal Palace and many other buildings are brilliantly lit up and there is a large fireworks display. 

4. Bolivia 

Bolivian independence took more than 15 years to achieve, but it finally occurred on August 6, 1825, after centuries of Spanish control. What is now Bolivia was known as Charcas or Upper Peru, as it was part of the Spanish Viceroyalty of Peru. The Viceroyalty of Peru was established in 1543 during the beginnings of Spain’s exploration of the New World,, and included nearly all of South America. Bolivia was a particularly lucrative part of the viceroyalty, as its silver mines were the Spanish Empire’s main source of revenue. Most of the mines were staffed by Bolivian natives who were extorted for labor by the Spanish Empire—the workers were ill-treated and ill-compensated, which began to sow seeds of dissent against the Spanish. In 1776, Bolivia became part of the Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata, still under Spanish control. It was not until 1809, when Napoleon attacked Spain, that Bolivia’s independence movements were able to truly begin. Taking advantage of Spain’s focus on the home-front, Simon Bolivar and Antonio Jose de Sucre led Bolivian nationalists in a campaign for Bolivian independence. After years of fighting, on August 6, 1825, Bolivia’s Declaration of Independence was signed. 

August 6 is celebrated as a national holiday known as “Dia de la Patria.” Throughout the country there are parades, gun salutes, street dances and carnivals, as well as events memorializing the nation’s history.   

5. India 

India celebrates its independence from British rule on August 15. On this day in 1947, after over 200 years of British colonial rule, India officially gained independence. August 15, 1947 also marks the day that the Indian subcontinent was partitioned into two countries: India and Pakistan. Britain assumed control of India in 1757 through the British East India Company. 100 years later, in 1857, the first significant push towards Indian independence occurred during the Indian Mutiny, or the Revolt of 1857.  While the revolt was ultimately unsuccessful, it did lead to a transfer of power from the trading company to the British government, but it also sparked continued protests against Britain’s exploitation of India. During World War I , the Indian independence movement grew, led by Mahatma Gandhi and political organizations like the Indian National Congress. In 1947, India finally became an independent nation. Jawaharlal Nehru became the first Prime Minister of the newly independent India, and during a speech at the Red Fort of Delhi, he hoisted an Indian National flag high above the Lahori Gate. 

In homage to this moment, India’s prime minister delivers a speech at the Red Fort of Delhi each year on August 15. State capitals host flag hoisting ceremonies and cultural programs, and buildings are decorated with the flag and strings of lights. In north and central India, the day’s main festivity is kite flying, as Indian revolutionaries used to fly kites with slogans protesting British rule.  

6. Costa Rica

Costa Rica’s journey to independence is a bit different from the other countries on this list. Central America is one of the few areas where there was no large-scale fight for independence. On the heels of its defeat by Mexico, Spain realized that keeping colonies in the region was no longer lucrative. On September 15, 1821, a Central American congress signed “The Act of Independence” declaring Central America’s independence from Spain. Although the declaration was signed in September, news of their newfound independence didn’t reach Costa Rica until nearly a month later—on October 13, 1821—because the message was carried on horseback from Guatemala. 

To celebrate the anniversary of their independence, Costa Ricans throw large parades each September 15. The festivities stretch beyond just one day, though. Starting days prior to the main celebration, an Independence Torch is lit and carried by a series of runners from Guatemala to Cartago, Costa Rica’s colonial capital, by September 14, as a way to commemorate the news of independence traveling the same route. School children spend the days leading up to independence making and decorating faroles, or lanterns, and parade through the streets with them on the night of September 14. 

7. Brazil 

Brazil officially became its own nation on September 22, 1822, after almost 300 years of Portuguese colonial rule. However, Brazil celebrates its independence day on September 7, the anniversary of Portuguese Regent Prince Dom Pedro’s declaration of Brazil’s independence. The Portuguese Empire colonized Brazil in the 16th century, and it was not until the early 1800s that Brazil began to find success in its push for independence. When Napoleon invaded Portugal in 1807, the Portuguese royal family fled to Brazil. The Portuguese Court remained in Brazil until 1820 when a revolution in Portugal forced the King to return. Since Brazil was then a kingdom, the King’s son, Prince Dom Pedro, remained in Brazil as its ruler. In 1822, the King issued a court order recalling Dom Pedro back to Portugal, but the Prince instead declared his allegiance with Brazil and remained there, calling for freedom from Portuguese rule. Dom Pedro became the first emperor of the independent Brazil. 

On September 7, Brazilians around the world celebrate Brazil’s independence. In Brazil, there are parades, concerts, fireworks and air shows. The largest celebration takes place in the capital, Brasilia, and is attended by the President of the Republic along with around fifty-thousand other people. 

8. Indonesia 

Independence day in Indonesia falls on August 17, the day its Declaration of Independence was signed in 1945. The Declaration freed Indonesia, then known as the Dutch East Indies, from oppressive Dutch colonial rule under which Indonesians were forced into labor and exploited. The Dutch actually lost control of the colony in 1942 when Japan invaded Indonesia and took over. After Japan surrendered at the end of WWII on August 17, 1945, Indonesian nationalists seized their opportunity to declare independence before the area was once again occupied by the Dutch. The Dutch government refused to recognize this independence, launching two major military campaigns between 1947 and 1948 to reclaim control. Indonesiansheld their ground and Indonesia received support from the U.N. and the U.S. In December of 1949, the Dutch finally released their hold and recognized the independence of Indonesia. 

Like in India, Indonesia’s independence day is celebrated each year with a flag-raising ceremony at the National Palace. The fun celebrations, however, are organized by local neighborhoods. Across the country, people take part in traditional games and contests. One of the most popular is panjat pinang, where a palm trunk is erected in a public area and greased with a mixture of clay and oil. The goal is simple: make it to the top to win the prize hung there. Other traditions include races, cooking contests and krupuk eating contests. 

Rachel Lynch

Rachel is a student at Sarah Lawrence College in Bronxville, NY currently taking a semester off. She plans to study Writing and Child Development. Rachel loves to travel and is inspired by the places she’s been and everywhere she wants to go. She hopes to educate people on social justice issues and the history and culture of travel destinations through her writing.

Evo Morales Returns in Triumph to Bolivia, Ending a Year in Exile

One year after he stepped down amid a contested election, the popular left-wing leader is back. Will he be content with his supporters’ love, or will he seek power as well?

Evo Morales waving the Wiphala, a symbol for South America’s Indigenous people. Brasil de Fato. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

Exiled leaders rarely return so triumphantly. Evo Morales, president of Bolivia for 14 years before fleeing the country in November 2019, greeted a jubilant crowd when he crossed the border from Argentina and trekked to his home province of Chapare. Many expected a more forceful return, perhaps a march to the seat of government in La Paz. Rather, Morales traveled to where he started his political career at the precise moment when that career seems set to either end or begin again. 

If Morales plans to kick-start a new phase in his political career, he reenters in a much better position than when he started. Born to a poor family in the Orinoca region in 1959, his family moved with countless other families from the highland altiplanos to work on lowland coca farms, which provided poor Bolivians the best shot at a livable wage. The young Evo became a union leader, fiercely advocating for the rights of farmers when the United States’ war on drugs demanded the Bolivian government slash its supply of coca, its most profitable crop. In Bolivia, people chew on it or brew tea, but one ton of leaves can be refined into two pounds of cocaine base paste. 

A farmer pruning coca. Erik Cleves Kristensen. CC BY 2.0.

Morales’ experiences there fostered a brand of politics staunchly devoted to the poor and Indigenous communities through the institution of socialism. He joined and soon transformed the Movement for Socialism party (MAS) and became a one-term congressman. After leading violent street altercations that forced two presidents to resign, his ambitions expanded to the national realm. In 2006, the Bolivian people voted him in as president, beginning a 14-year-long tenure which would prove revolutionary.

For one, he was the first Indigenous president since the country’s independence in 1825. In a nation that is 42% Indigenous, this seems strange, but centuries of colonization and racism led to a society of haves and have-nots. An ethnic Aymara, Morales expanded MAS’s appeal to all Indigenous people, chafing many Whites and Mestizos who supported MAS in far fewer numbers. Some Indigenous communities found Morales’ embrace of Indigenous peoples hollow; he allowed drilling in forest reserves and expanded the amount of land settlers could clear. 

Man without a plan. Alain Bachellier. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. 

Most of all, however, he presided over what many view as an economic miracle. Morales’ government reduced by two-thirds the amount of people living on less than $1.90 a day, the World Bank’s definition of extreme poverty. The high price of petroleum, another of Bolivia’s largest exports, allowed his administration to invest heavily in innovation and modernization. The widespread prosperity led many to ignore Morales’ authoritarian streak. He would often jail critics and journalists while piling lawsuits on his political rivals.

But when Morales ran for a fourth term against constitutional term limits, opponents found it unforgivable. A pause in vote-counting led many to believe he planned to rig the election, so thousands stormed the streets to protest the election results. Clashes broke out between pro- and anti-Morales protesters; 36 people died amid the violence. Once the military “recommended” Morales step down, he boarded a plane to Mexico and left Bolivia in the hands of little-known senator Jeanine Anez. 

She was a right-wing politician with exactly the opposite views of Morales. Where he proudly represented Indigenous peoples, Anez called them “savages.” (In his triumphant return, Morales sarcastically quipped, “The Bolivian right and the global right should know: the savages are back in government.”) Anez presided over an economic slump due to political unrest and COVID-19. She governed for 11 months before the electorate put in office Morales’ own protege Luis Arce.

Morales’ protege Luis Arce. Casa de América. CC By-NC-ND 2.0.

A bland, uncharismatic technocrat, Arce won broad appeal precisely because he was Morales’ choice. He engineered the economy during Morales’ presidency, so he can take credit for much of Bolivia’s prosperity. His support from the former president may prove both a blessing and a curse, however. He will struggle to distance himself from a controversial figure who still holds strong sway over MAS. His primary responsibility will be to maintain distance from Morales to the greatest extent possible.

For the time being, however, Morales will enjoy his warm welcome home. Crowds gleefully waved the Wiphala, a colorful checkered flag representing Indigenous peoples. Supporters dressed in their finest, most colorful Indigenous attire to celebrate his homecoming. Luis Arce neither met him in Chapare nor sent him a word of greeting. So far they hold no communication. For the sake of Bolivia’s democracy, many hope it will stay that way. 

Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

What Makes Bhutan So Happy?

Meet the country which prioritizes the contentment of its citizens before everything else through its “Gross National Happiness” program.

Bhutanese children. r y _ _ _ _ . CC BY-NC 2.0

Imagine a country hidden away from the rest of the world. Tucked in between China and India, the world’s most populous countries, little Bhutan rests at the base of the Himalayan mountains. The rural country long ago made the decision to close off its borders to most tourism in hopes of preserving the nation’s unique Buddhist culture and the identity of its 740,000 people. In 1974 the country gradually reopened, though the Bhutanese monarchy was reluctant for the nation to be connected with the rapidly urbanizing world. Bhutan could not be completely isolated for long due to globalization, and in 1999 internet and Wi-Fi were quickly introduced. Being alone for so long, Bhutan was innovative in ways that made sense for its culture and ecosystem.

Dochula Pass. Göran Höglund (Kartläsarn). CC BY 2.0

Bhutan is unique in its location and recent connections to the outside world, but it’s the traditions and customs within Bhutan that really make it a sight to behold. Even during the age of colonization and imperialization, Bhutan was never colonized. The country’s official religion remains Vajrayana Buddhism, a deity-dense, merit-based and karma-focused faith implemented into everyday life and routines. 

Bhutan Buddhist monk sand art. John K. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Dance of the death god. jmhullot. CC BY-SA 2.0

Ecology is everything. Bhutan is the only carbon negative nation in the modern world, absorbing three times more carbon than it produces. In light of climate change, that feat is revolutionary. Its government has established laws that require Bhutan to always have its area 60% covered in forest lands. Keeping in mind its minimal carbon footprint, Bhutan is still vigilant about tourists who enter the country, always prioritizing  the preservation of the nation’s cohesive identity. The tourist industry is nationally regulated, making it expensive and difficult to travel to. Documents and visas are issued by state-appointed companies and provide visitors with everything, including hotels, insurance and most importantly a guide who must accompany travelers at all times. 

Ecology is everything. 360around. CC BY 2.0

Ecology and tourism are not the only things the government has taken to regulating. Bhutan is once again unique in national policy, measuring its nation’s happiness. Outsiders like to say that Bhutan is the “happiest country in the world” and the statistics given by Bhutan back up this claim. In 2015, the annual extensive survey that gauges the nation’s happiness concluded that 91% of its population was happy.” The Ministry of Happiness measures the contentment of its population with “Gross National Happiness” (GNH). 

King of Bhutan. Bhutan-360. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

Ex-Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay defined it as “a developing philosophy that acknowledges that economic growth is important, but that growth must not be mindless, but sustainable.”

Much like a country’s gross domestic product, GNH is considered important. Established in 2008, the Gross National Happiness Commission was appointed to take into consideration and care the inner peace of Bhutan’s people. Broken down into four pillars, nine domains and 72 indicators, GNH is a difficult concept to comprehend. The country’s leaders take into account how happy its people are in every aspect of life: governance, health, education, living standards, culture, ecology, time use and psychological well-being. 

Tobgay breaks Bhutan’s complicated process down to three components: the key to happiness is security, identity and purpose. These things are not mutually exclusive; they reinforce one another in every direction, both on an individual and a national level. He says that, “The government has a responsibility to ensure the whole nation has individual pursuit of the keys to happiness.” 

Temple overlooking the Himalayas. Jean Marie Hullot. CC BY-SA 2.0

The Bhutanese are often misunderstood. Outsiders often believe that just because they have GNH, it automatically makes them the happiest country in comparison to all others. They have free health care, free education, clean air, a thriving environment and a strong sense of community. But Tobgay argues that the Bhutanese still struggle because that is what it means to be human. Bhutan is a “real country with real people, and real desires.” Although every person may suffer from inner turmoil for whatever reason, the Bhutanese should be happy knowing that they have been given the keys to happiness.

Yuliana Rocio

Yuliana is currently a Literature/Writing major at the University of California San Diego. Yuliana likes to think of herself as a lover of words and a student of the world. She loves to read, swim, and paint in her free time. She spent her youth as part of a travel-loving family and has grown up seeking adventure. She hopes to develop her writing skills, creating work that reflects her voice and her fierce passion for activism.

The Back-to-Africa Movement: A Response to Racism

Some Black Americans have chosen to move to Africa to embrace their heritage and ancestral roots after experiencing racism, violence and stereotyping in the United States. 

A village in Tanzania. ceasrgp. CC BY-SA 2.0

The Back-to-Africa movement was initially started to encourage those of African ancestry to travel back to Africa where their ancestors once lived. Even though many are unsure of the movement’s founder, many in the U.S. attribute it to Marcus Garvey, who founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association in 1914 in New York City’s Harlem district. He encouraged many Black people to seek social equality even if it meant moving to Africa through “self-emancipation.”

However, the Back-to-Africa movement can be traced even further back to the 19th century and the establishment of the American Colonization Society The predominantly-White group, founded by Robert Finley in 1817, shipped up to 12,000 freed slaves and freeborn Black Americans to Liberia. Historians’ views on the American Colonization Society’s work remain split; some view it as an early group dedicated to Black Americans’ freedom while others see it as nothing more than an attempt to remove Black people from the United States. Either way, the group was unpopular among the African American community, and should not be confused with more recent Back-to-Africa movements.

Painting of Marcus Garvey. David Drissel. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

Many African Americans have more recently picked up the Back-to-Africa movement to help strengthen Black identity. Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcom X both made visits to Ghana in order to reconnect with their heritage. 

Obadele Kambon is a recent example of the modern Back-to-Africa movement. Kambon was living in Chicago in 2007 when he was wrongfully accused of possessing a loaded firearm illegally in his car. In reality, he had an unloaded, licensed gun. The fear of mistreatment and wrongful convictions, sometimes even leading to death, was a main influence in Kambon’s decision to move to Ghana in 2008.He said his participation in the Back-to-Africa movement made him realize what it “feels like to be a White person in America, just to be able to live without worrying that something is going to happen to you.”

Many of those who have moved to Africa from the United States fear that “nothing can fix [racism].” Africa holds the potential to reconnect people with their roots while offering them a life less affected by racism and violence. 71% of African Americans in the United States have said that they have experienced discrimination in some form. For many African Americans, heading abroad frees them from the need to prove themselves to be more than their skin color.

2019 was marked by Ghanaian President Nana Akufo-Addo as the “Year of Return.” It coincided with the 400th anniversary of what is believed to be the first enslaved Africans arriving in the United States. Last year, Ghana rewarded over 100 citizenships to Black individuals from the Americas as a part of its “Year of Return” initiative. The campaign brought over 500,000 visitors to the region—and some of them have decided to stay.

Eva Ashbaugh

is a Political Science and Gender, Sexuality, and Women's Studies double major at the University of Pittsburgh. As a political science major concentrating on International Relations, she is passionate about human rights, foreign policy, and fighting for equality. She hopes to one day travel and help educate people to make the world a better place.

Birth Fate: Institutionalized Racism in New Zealand Prisons

New Zealand has the second highest incarceration rate in the Western World, beat only by the United States. Yet, there is an unequal distribution throughout prisons, with Maori making up majority of those incarcerated. The explanation lies in history.

Historic prison in Dunedin, New Zealand. Benchill. BY-SA 3.0.

New Zealand has been praised for its efforts in incorporating aspects of indigenous culture into everyday life. Road signs are posted in both English and Maori. Students in school learn Maori history and culture. The All Blacks do the haka. But looking beneath the surface it is apparent that racism against the Maori culture still very much exists. This is no more evident as in the incarceration rates. Maori make up about 15 percent of New Zealand’s population but over 50 percent of the prison population. This difference has to be examined not just on a criminal justice level but also from a historical perspective. 

A study from the University of Otago, found that there three main reasons behind the high incarceration rates for Maori people. They are structural racism, intergenerational trauma, and colonization. Of course these three are all intertwined with colonization being the cause for intergenerational trauma and structural racism. The biggest effects of colonization come from subordination and institutionalized change. Having a change in the value of wealth – to one of monetary and property value – and being on the losing end of that spectrum creates a never ending struggle. Maori justice system before colonization revolved around group accountability and following tikanga, the Maori just way of being. Prisons involve punishment and individual causation. Adapting to a system whose values are drastically different than your own and having to fight for your land and culture, has left the Maori at a disadvantage. 

On an individual level, majority of inmates had been a victim to violence, had a mental health diagnosis or brain injury, did not have proper schooling, and/or had a parent who also had been in correctional facilities. Poverty on its own is a huge factor in crime statistics with first acts being committed out of necessity. Add on top of that, generational histories of crime, violence, and mental health, it is hard to break the cycle.  

If you look both at the history of New Zealand and the history of the person, it is no surprise that institutionalized racism exists. The current government is working on reducing the number of people incarcerated but it is hard to tackle the problem when Maori representation at the government level is lacking. They are looking towards examples from Norway, with community correction facilities, and there are programs working to bring Maori values to prisons. But until more effort is done to correct inequalities in wealth, education, and healthcare it may be hard to have lasting change. 

DEVIN O’DONNELL’s interest in travel was cemented by a multi-month trip to East Africa when she was 19. Since then, she has continued to have immersive experiences on multiple continents. Devin has written for a start-up news site and graduated from the University of Michigan with a degree in Neuroscience.

Panama Celebrates its Black Christ, Part of Protest Against Colonialism and Slavery

The life-sized wooden statue of the Black Christ in St. Philip Church in Panama. Dan Lundberg/Flickr, CC BY-SA

Panama’s “Festival del Cristo Negro,” the festival of the “Black Christ,” is an important religious holiday for local Catholics. It honors a dark, life-sized wooden statue of Jesus, “Cristo Negro” – also known as “El Nazaraeno,” or “The Nazarene.” 

Throughout the year, pilgrims come to pay homage to this statue of Christ carrying a cross, in its permanent home in Iglesia de San Felipe, a Roman Catholic parish church located in Portobelo, a city along the Caribbean coast of Panama. 

But it is on Oct. 21 each year that the major celebration takes place. As many as 60,000 pilgrims from Portobelo and beyond travel for the festival, in which 80 men with shaved heads carry the black Christ statue on a large float through the streets of the city. 

The men use a common Spanish style for solemn parades – three steps forward and two steps backward – as they move through the city streets. The night continues with music, drinking and dancing.

In my research on the relationship between Christianity, colonialism and racism, I have discovered that such festivals play a crucial role for historically oppressed peoples. 

About 9% of Panama’s population claims African descent, many of whom are concentrated in Portobelo’s surrounding province of Colón. Census data from 2010 shows that over 21% of Portobelo’s population claimAfrican heritage or black identity. 

To Portobelo’s inhabitants, especially those who claim African descent, the festival is more than a religious celebration. It is a form of protest against Spanish colonialism, which brought with it slavery and racism. 

History of the statute

Portobelo’s black Christ statue is a fascinating artifact of Panama’s colonial history. While there is little certainty as to its origin, many scholars believe the statue arrived in Portobelo in the 17th century – a time when the Spanish dominated Central America and brought in enslaved people from Africa. 

Cristo Negro. Adam Jones/Flickr, CC BY-SA

Various legends circulate in Panama as to how the black Christ got to Portobelo. Some maintain that the statue originated in Spain, others that it was locally made, or that it washed ashore miraculously. 

One of the most common stories maintains that a storm forced a ship from Spain, which was delivering the statue to another city, to dock in Portobelo. Every time the ship attempted to leave, the storms would return. 

Eventually, the story goes, the statue was thrown overboard. The ship was then able to depart with clear skies. Later, local fishermen recovered the statue from the sea. 

The statue was placed in its current home, Iglesia de San Felipe, in the early 19th century. 

Stories of miracles added to its mystique. Among the legends in circulation is one about how prayers to the black Christ spared the cityfrom a plague ravaging the region in the 18th century. 

Catholicism and African identity

Since its exact origins are unknown, so are the artistic intention behind the Jesus statue. However the figure’s blackness has made it an object of particular devotion for locals of African descent. 

At the time of the arrival of Cristo Negro, the majority of the Portobelo’s population was of African descent. This cultural heritage is significant to the city’s identity and traditions. 

The veneration of the statue represents one of many ways that the black residents of Portobelo and the surrounding Colón region of Panama have engendered a sense of resistance to racism and slavery. 

Each year around the time of Lent, local men and women across Colón – where slavery was particularly widespread – dramatize the story of self-liberated black slaves known as the Cimarrones. This reenactment is one of a series of celebrations, or “carnivals,” observed around the time of Lent by those who identify with the cultural tradition known colloquially as “Congo.” The term Congo was originally used by the Spanish colonists for anyone of African descent. It is now is used for traditions that can be traced back to the Cimarrones. 

During the carnival celebration, some local people dress up as the devil, meant to represent Spanish slave masters or complicit priests. Others don the dress of the Cimarrones.

Many of the participants in both the black Christ and carnival celebrations of Panama are Catholics as well. Together they participate to bring to light the Catholic Church’s complex relationship with Spanish colonization and slavery. Many Catholic leaders in the 16th to 18th centuries justified the enslavement of Africans and the colonization of the Americas, or at least did not object to it. 

A revered tradition

The different colored robes that are put on the statue of Cristo Negro. Ali EminovFlickr, CC BY-NC

Many people from throughout Panama have donated robes to clothe the statue. The colors of the robes donned by the statue varies throughout the year. Purple is reserved for the October celebrations, which likely reflects the use of purple in Catholic worship to signify suffering.

These robes draped on Panama’s black Christ are meant to representthose placed on Jesus when he was mockingly dressed in royal garb by the soldiers torturing him before his crucifixion. 

Evoking this scene perhaps serves to remind the viewer of the deeper theological meaning of Jesus’s suffering as it is often understood in Christianity: Although Jesus is the Son of God prophesied to save God’s people from suffering and should thus be treated like royalty, he was tortured and executed as a common criminal. His suffering is understoodto save people from their sins. 

Some pilgrims specifically come during the October festival to seek forgiveness for any sinful actions. Some wear their own purple robes, the color indicating a sign of their suffering – and, of course, that of the black Christ.


S. Kyle Johnson is a Doctoral Student in Systematic Theology, Boston College


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