LGBTQ+ Intolerance in Ghana Reaches Boiling Point 

Tensions within the West African country have risen following the recent restriction of LGBTQ+ rights, resurfacing the decades long discussion regarding the criminalization of same-sex conduct.   

Pride flag waving in the sky. Tim Bieler. Unsplash. 

The newly established office of nonprofit organization LGBT+ Rights Ghana was raided and searched by police last month, endangering one of the only safe spaces for LGBTQ+ people in the country. This raid came mere days after Ghanaian journalist Ignatius Annor came out as gay on live television, and many have speculated that the raid was in retaliation of that moment. 

Given Ghana’s criminalization of same-sex conduct, it is not a stretch to say that homophobia runs rampant and unchecked, especially when considering the widespread opposition from both government officials and religious figures regarding the construction of the center for LGBT+ Rights Ghana.   

The building has been under scrutiny since it first opened back in January. Only three weeks after opening its doors to the public, the organization had to temporarily close in order to protect its staff and visitors from angry protesters. The director of the organization, Alex Kofi Donkor, explained how the community “expected some homophobic organizations would use the opportunity to exploit the situation and stoke tensions against the community, but the anti-gay hateful reaction has been unprecedented.”   

This unprovoked suppression of basic freedoms indicates that LGBTQ+ intolerance in Ghana has reached a boiling point and is about to bubble over. 

Aerial shot of Accra, Ghana. Virgyl Sowah. Unsplash. 

News of the situation reached a handful of high-profile celebrities such as Idris Elba and Naomi Campbell, who joined 64 other public figures in publishing an open letter of solidarity with the Ghanaian LGBTQ+ community using #GhanaSupportsEquality. While prejudice has only recently garnered public attention due to the letter, blatant and widespread homophobia in Ghana has run rampant for years. 

According to a study conducted by the Human Rights Watch in 2017, hate crimes and assault due to one's sexual identity are regular occurrences in Ghana. Dozens of people have been attacked by mobs and even family members out of mere speculation that they were gay. Furthermore, the study found that for women, much of this aggressive homophobia was happening behind closed doors through the pressures of coerced marriage. 

Consider 24-year-old Khadija, who identifies as lesbian and will soon begin pursuing relationships with men due to the societal pressure for women to marry. Or 21-year-old Aisha, who was exiled by her family and sent to a “deliverance” church camp after she was outed as lesbian. 

Marriage pressures and intolerances are certainly prevalent in other countries as well, even in those often deemed progressive. The big difference is that in many countries, homophobic beliefs are slowly becoming less and less common. In Ghana, it seems as though these sentiments are normalized and held by the majority of people. 

The precedent for discrimination based on sexual orientation was set as early as 2011, when former Western Region minister Paul Evans Aidoo called for the immediate arrest of LGBTQ+ people in the area. The stigma that actions like this produced in Ghana have only been amplified over time when coupled with religious and cultural tensions. 

A rainbow forms above a home in Kumasi, Ghana. Ritchie. Unsplash. 

Many victims of hate crimes or abuse in Ghana reported that because of the codified homophobia in the country, they are unable to report their experiences to local authorities without putting themselves in danger. As a result, LGBTQ+ Ghanaians find themselves stuck in a perpetual cycle of making slight progress just for higher authorities to snatch it away. 

There have been countless opportunities for legalized discrimination to be addressed, and ever since current Ghanaian President Nana Akufo-Addo assumed office in 2017, he has been under immense pressure to announce his official position on homosexuality. Four years later, he has still not done so.

Instead of embracing the shift toward more inclusive policies supported by LGBT+ Rights Ghana, the Ghanaian government appears to be succumbing to public pressures in an attempt to keep peace. What it fails to realize is that sweeping inequalities under the carpet doesn’t make them go away. It actually does quite the opposite. It heightens inequalities until they become absolutely impossible to avoid. Celebrity involvement in dismantling Ghana’s current system has caused quite the public reaction. It may end up being the spark that causes the Ghanaian government to reconsider its policies and begin to offer LGBTQ+ people the respect and protection they deserve. 


Zara Irshad

Zara is a third year Communication student at the University of California, San Diego. Her passion for journalism comes from her love of storytelling and desire to learn about others. In addition to writing at CATALYST, she is an Opinion Writer for the UCSD Guardian, which allows her to incorporate various perspectives into her work.

Environmental Racism is Poisoning Black Communities in the US

Black Americans are 79% more likely than White Americans to live in areas where industrial pollution poses a health threat. The environmental injustice that members of the community face is rooted in centuries of systemic racism and segregation. 

In 2016, Flint, Michigan, was declared to be in a state of emergency by its mayor, Michigan’s governor, and then-President Barack Obama. These state of emergency declarations brought national attention to a crisis that citizens of Flint, a majority-Black community, had been dealing with for two years at that point: undrinkable water. In 2014, the city switched its drinking water supply from Detroit’s system to the Flint River in an attempt to cut costs. The Flint River runs through the center of town and has historically been used as an unofficial disposal site for refuse from local factories and mills. The river’s pollution, combined with inadequate water treatment and testing, led to discolored, bad-smelling water being pumped into Flint homes. Water from the Flint River caused rashes and hair loss, and it also potentially contributed to an outbreak of Legionnaires’ disease that killed 10 people. Later studies showed that the contaminated water had also led to increased cases of elevated blood lead levels in Flint’s children, a condition which can create a range of developmental problems. Flint is still dealing with lead in its water supply because of corroded pipes. The Michigan Civil Rights Commission concluded that the government’s poor response to the Flint water crisis was a result of implicit bias and systemic racism. 

Flint is not the only city to fall victim to environmental injustice, the phenomenon of certain communities, such as communities of color and poor communities, being disproportionately subjected to environmental risk. Environmental injustice is believed to be rooted in systemic racism, and is sometimes referred to as environmental racism. While White people generally breathe 17% less air pollution than they are responsible for generating, Black people breathe 56% more than they cause. In 19 states, Black Americans are at least 79% more likely than White Americans to live in areas where industrial pollution is a health threat. 

St. James Parish, Louisiana, is riddled with factories, chemical plants and refineries. Residents in the area have some of the highest cancer rates in the country, and the region has been nicknamed “Cancer Alley.” Environmentalists say that the area’s fossil fuel industry is the reason for the community’s dismal health. Residents of Grays Ferry, a neighborhood in South Philadelphia, also face disproportionate rates of cancer, which experts attribute to the community’s proximity to a massive refinery. Like Flint, St. James Parish and Grays Ferry are majority-Black communities. 

Factories, refineries and other forms of polluting infrastructure have historically been built in low-income communities of color. Many of these communities were created through segregation and redlining, the refusal of the Federal Housing Administration to issue mortgages in Black neighborhoods. Housing policies under the New Deal were geared toward providing housing to middle-class White families, pushing people of color into urban housing projects. The Federal Housing Administration subsidized the production of subdivisions for White families, requiring that none of the homes be sold to people of color. White neighborhoods received more community investment and better infrastructure, while communities of color suffered from poverty and poor amenities. Companies began exploiting this segregation by buying out Black residents in order to use the land for industrial purposes. After all, people in low-income communities often lacked the means necessary to hire legal representation that could fight back against major corporations. 

The systemic racism that led to segregation and the creation of many low-income communities of color in some ways still perseveres, as these communities are taken advantage of by companies at the expense of residents’ health. Black people have historically been left out of the environmentalist movement, with White people making up 80% of the staff of environmental nonprofits. More recently, Black communities have begun advocating for environmental justice. Activists hope to combine the National Environmental Policy Act, which requires federal agencies to consider the environmental impact of proposed projects and infrastructure, with Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which prohibits federally funded entities from discriminating on the basis of race, to create a policy that would dismantle environmental injustice. Environmental policy changes are considered by many to be badly needed, and until they occur, companies will continue to prosper at the expense of Black communities.



Rachel Lynch

Rachel is a student at Sarah Lawrence College in Bronxville, NY currently taking a semester off. She plans to study Writing and Child Development. Rachel loves to travel and is inspired by the places she’s been and everywhere she wants to go. She hopes to educate people on social justice issues and the history and culture of travel destinations through her writing.

China Weaponizes Tourism to Erase Uyghur Culture

8,000 Uyghur mosques have been destroyed, and cafes and bars have taken their place, as China’s Han majority ethnic group flock to Xinjiang for its natural beauty. Mosques left standing have become museums catering to Han visitors, and religious pilgrims are turned away.

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London’s Mayor Promises Police Reform After Months of Unrest

In London, Mayor Sadiq Khan promises police reform after months of Black Lives Matter protests. By committing to hiring diverse police officers, Khan sets the precedent for other major cities to follow. 

The Metropolitan Police Service at Trafalgar Square in London. CGP Grey. CC BY 2.0.

On Nov. 13, the mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, announced that by 2022, at least 40% of new recruits will be from minority backgrounds. Like many police forces around the world, London’s police have come under criticism in the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests that began in the United States. London’s action in reforming its police force sets the precedent for other communities to follow. 

The Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) is Britain’s largest police force. Also known as Scotland Yard and colloquially called the Met, MPS employs over 44,000 police officers and receives over 25% of the police budget for England and Wales. Along with most other police forces, the Met has come under criticism in the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests and demands for police brutality reform. London’s record with police brutality is quite different than that of America’s, but it and racial inequality are still common across the United Kingdom. In the U.K., Black people are more than nine times more likely to be stopped and searched by the police than White people. Though people of color make up 13% of the population in England and Wales, 48% of minors in custody belong to the group. 

While London is an incredibly diverse city, in 2017 an overwhelming 87% of MPS officers were White, with just 13.3% of officers identifying as Black and Minority Ethnic. These statistics have come under fire recently, with Black Lives Matter protesters taking to the streets of London demanding reform. Protesters turned out in thousands throughout the summer of 2020, with protest numbers spiking after Prime Minister Boris Johnson declared the U.K. as “not a racist country” and designating protesters’ behavior as “thuggery.” 

Mayor of London Sadiq Khan. Steve Punter. CC BY 2.0. 

Despite Prime Minister Johnson’s wavering views toward protests, the mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, acknowledged the institutional racism that he believes inflicts the country. In a statement from the mayor’s office, Khan said: “To the thousands of Londoners who protested peacefully today: I stand with you and I share your anger and your pain. George Floyd’s brutal killing must be a catalyst for change worldwide. No country, city, police service or institution can absolve itself of the responsibility to do better. We must stand together and root out racism wherever it is found. Black Lives Matter.” Khan’s acknowledgment of racism and discrimination is groundbreaking compared to American political leaders’ relative lack of action regarding this issue. 

On Nov. 13, Sadiq Khan announced that by 2022, at least 40% of new recruits in the MPS will be from minority backgrounds. Metropolitan Police Commissioner Cressida Dick released a rare public statement acknowledging that the Met “is not free of discrimination, racism or bias.” Commissioner Dick also announced that her “job is to continue to try to eliminate any such racism and discrimination, however it appears.” London’s active anti-racist stance will set the precedent for other communities and cities to follow. This commitment to diversity is evidence of tangible and long-lasting change within potentially racist institutions. 



Sarah Leidich

Sarah is currently an English and Film major at Barnard College of Columbia University. Sarah is inspired by global art in every form, and hopes to explore the intersection of activism, art, and storytelling through her writing.





The Ainu: One of Japan’s Indigenous Groups

In August 2019, the Japanese government passed a law that officially recognized the Ainu as an Indigenous people group. After nearly two centuries of legalized discrimination, the Ainu are reclaiming their identity and history, and they are just getting started.

An Ainu couple before assimilation; their features are still different from those of their Japanese counterparts. Stuart Rankin. CC BY-NC 2.0.

In July, Japan unveiled the Upopoy National Ainu Museum, the country’s first cultural center dedicated to Indigenous identity. Located on the island of Hokkaido—one of the Ainu’s ancestral lands—the Upopoy Museum showcases the history of the Ainu through performances and historical relics. What is remarkable about the museum’s opening is not its resiliency amid a pandemic, but that the structure opened at all. Much like the power dynamic between American settlers and Native American tribes, the Ainu endured a legacy of forced assimilation by the ethnic Japanese and their ruling government.

Before this, the Ainu were a hunter-gatherer tribe that inhabited the northern islands of Ezo (present-day Hokkaido), the Kuril Islands and the Russian island of Sakhalin. According to archaeological records, the Ainu called these lands home as early as the 14,500 B.C. The Ainu also had strong ties to animism, a belief that manifested itself in the relationship between the Ainu and the bears on the islands. The Ainu even created a ceremony in which bear cubs were taken, raised and then sacrificed in a ritual offering. These symbolic rites guided Ainu tradition and their balanced connection with nature.

Ainu women performing a welcome dance on Hokkaido. Vladimir Tkalcic. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

When the Meiji government annexed Hokkaido in the late 19th century, the Ainu’s pastoral way of life was interrupted. While the Ainu lived in Japan, they physically differed from their Japanese counterparts. The Ainu have a more European look with lighter skin and thick hair. Men sported full beards, and women tattooed their lips once they reached adulthood. Because of this, the Japanese derided the Ainu as backward and foreign. Around this time, Japan also became the first non-European country to have defeated Russia in battle. Flush with victory and newly acquired lands, the Japanese sought to build up a national myth of military might and cultural homogeneity. One of these initiatives included a policy of forced assimilation on the island of Hokkaido.

The Japanese government enlisted the help of American consultants who had reeducated their own North American Indigenous groups. The Ainu were forced into Japanese-speaking schools and were required to change their names. As the land was repurposed for industrial and agricultural uses, the Ainu were pushed into wage labor and became an impoverished and politically disenfranchised minority. Even after World War II, the Ainu were deprived. To participate in the scientific advancements of the mid-20th century, the Japanese government essentially emboldened researchers to rob Ainu graves and remains.  

The Upopoy National Museum is housed in Hokkaido, one of the Ainu’s ancestral homelands. Marek Okon. Unsplash. 

In February 2019, the Japanese government introduced a bill that would officially recognize the ethnic Ainu minority as an Indigenous people for the first time. The bill included measures that would support Ainu communities, fund scholarships and educational opportunities, and allow the Ainu to cut down trees in nationally owned forests for use in traditional practices.

While many lauded the proposal, some felt that the bill missed a crucial element: an apology. In an interview with CNN, musician Oki Kano shared that he was only 20 years old when he found out that he was Ainu. Thanks to rigorous assimilation policies, the Ainu in Japan bear more resemblance to ethnic Japanese than past generations. Because of the ugly legacy of discrimination, however, the true number of Ainu still left in Japan is unknown. Due to fear, many of the Ainu have chosen to hide their background, leaving younger generations with limited if any knowledge about their heritage. The Ainu language is also at risk of extinction.

Although the bill became law in August 2019 and Tokyo University returned some of the robbed remains the following year, the fight for the Ainu people’s rights is just beginning. Despite widespread recognition and gradual acceptance of the Ainu, some feel the Ainu culture is at risk of tokenization. Though the preservation of Ainu culture is commendable, the Ainu’s future should also be considered if they are to have a chance at survival.


Rhiannon Koh

Rhiannon earned her B.A. in Urban Studies & Planning from UC San Diego. Her honors thesis was a speculative fiction piece exploring the aspects of surveillance technology, climate change, and the future of urbanized humanity. She is committed to expanding the stories we tell.

Is the South African Apartheid Actually Over?

The economic disparity in South African metropolises like Johannesburg points back to the apartheid, with one side of town obviously White and upper-middle class while the other is mostly Black and full of rundown, tottering homes.

Kuku Town, a small settlement of Black South Africans on the outskirts of Cape Town. Slum Dwellers International. CC BY 2.0.

The South African apartheid officially ended in 1994, abolishing the country’s long-standing policy of racial segregation across its social and economic relations. 26 years later, though, remnants of the apartheid are still apparent in the infrastructure of South Africa’s largest cities. As it stands, a majority of the country remains segregated as a result of systemic racism. 

South African cities Johannesburg, East Rand and East London have the greatest income inequality in the world; multimillionaires flock to luxurious homes in close proximity to overpopulated and underserved townships. It is clear that the dissolution of the apartheid state, although significant, represented more of a symbolic change than a material one. The notable rise of a Black middle class fails to overshadow the fact that almost two-thirds of South Africa’s Black population lives below the poverty line. 

Johannesburg’s central business district, which was largely abandoned by top firms in favor of the city’s affluent suburbs. Evan Bench. CC BY 2.0.

A Brief History of the Apartheid

Beginning in 1948, the South African government attempted to shift its economic and political conditions through stringent racial segregation. Spearheaded by the White supremacist National Party, the apartheid separated South Africa into four “nations”: Black Africans, “Coloureds” (those of mixed ancestry), Asians and Whites. . Whites received preferential treatment in nearly every aspect of society, with Black Africans facing the most severe discrimination.

These enforcements impacted public spaces, but also regulated marital practices and sexual relations. Black and White people were banned from participating in romantic relationships with each other. One of the most visible actualizations of segregation, though, occurred decades before the apartheid began through a series of “Land Acts.” These discriminatory laws, passed in 1913, granted 86.5% of South Africa’s property to Whites and restricted nonwhite individuals from entering these sectors without proper documentation. 

Over the decades of apartheid, there existed a constant threat of violence against nonwhite individuals by the government. Rural regions newly designated as “Whites-only” led to Black South Africans being violently removed from their homes and displaced into remote and abjectly poor regions called “Bantustans.” From 1961 to 1994, up to 3.5 million Black people were forcibly removed from their homes. The state-sanctioned violence ended in the mid-1990s with the enfranchisement of nonwhite groups and the integration of all races. The decades of government-enforced violations of basic rights, however, have solidified the material and political disadvantages of South Africa’s Black majority. 

Glimpses of the Apartheid Today

The integration which occurred in 1994 proved to be ineffectual; the historically White neighborhoods remain the same while the districts for Black people are also still homogenous. These predominantly Black neighborhoods often suffer from high crime rates and debilitating unemployment rates. The legislation regarding South African race relations may have changed, but socioeconomically, Blacks are disproportionately unemployed and paid less when in the labor market. Johannesburg’s predominantly-White suburbs of Sandton and Sandhurst taunt the majority with $10 million homes, attracting the richest 20% of the country who hold 68% of all wealth

A South African citizen, Ntandoyenkosi Mlambo, shared her sentiments with The Guardian about the current state of Cape Town: “The constitutional right to movement has changed so people of color are able to move in different areas. However, the economic and land ownership disadvantages which are still linked to people of color make cities inaccessible for most to live and thrive in. Also, the criminalization of homelessness further entrenches the lived reality that only a few have the right to the city.”

The lifting of the apartheid did significantly increase the size of the Black middle class and allowed some to attain wealth. However, the diversification of the suburbs can hardly be considered progress when the top 10% of Black South Africans own nearly 50% of the group’s income. The state provided grants to members of the lower class in an attempt to decrease income inequality, but the policy has so far fallen short of substantial change.

Heather Lim

recently earned her B.A. in Literatures in English from University of California, San Diego. She was editor of the Arts and Culture section of The Triton, a student-run newspaper. She plans on working in art criticism, which combines her love of visual art with her passion for journalism.

Following the Removal of Evo Morales, Anti-Indigenous Sentiment Explicit in Bolivia

In the aftermath of the ouster of former President of Bolivia, Evo Morales, many suspected a right-wing coup had taken place. Now, a month later, the status of Indigenous peoples in Bolivia hangs in the balance.

“Evo Morales speaking to a man wearing the Lluch’u, the knit cap typical to Andean indigenous peoples.” Sebastian Baryli. CC BY 2.0

In 2005, Evo Morales, of Aymara indigenous descent, was elected to become the first indigeneous President of Bolivia. Bolivia identified itself as a plurinational state following the ratification of a new Constitution in 2009, and is home to more than 36 indigenous peoples. In 2017, an estimated 48% of the population of Bolivia above the age of 15 was of indigeneous origin. Morales’s party, Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS--Movement Towards Socialism), represented a growing progressive force against the backdrop of the historically-conservative nation. Morales saw significant success over his three terms, stabilizing the Bolivian economy, spurring economic growth, reducing poverty significantly and bringing those living in extreme poverty down to half its previous rate, while heightening literacy rates across Bolivia. Under Morales, Bolivia became a more inclusive place: he instituted the Wiphala, which represents the plurinational status of Bolivia, as the nation’s second flag, and promoted a previously unparalleled number of women to his cabinet.

In 2016, Morales held a referendum in order to extend the term limits established within the 2009 Constitution, which was ultimately rejected in a 51% to 49% vote. However, in 2018 Morales appealed to the Bolivian Constitutional Tribunal, which allowed Morales to run for re-election for a fourth term as President of Bolivia. Although Morales was elected for a fourth term in October of 2019, an audit by the Organization of American States determined the election illegitimate, and many had questioned the legality of the Tribunal’s decision in 2018 even before the election came to pass. In the midst of protests that left over 30 dead and 700 injured, and under extreme pressure from the military, Morales stepped down and fled to Mexico.

In the immediate aftermath of the ouster of Morales’s administration, many questioned whether there had been a coup. Calls for Morales’s resignation began in the right, and gained traction; ultimately, Morales resigned following military coercion against him and his party. Although there has been a precedent for right-wing coups in Latin American history, especially aided and abetted by the United States, the case of Morales’s administration is complicated. While the military intervention does constitute an illegal seizure of power, the discontentment for Morales did not arise in a vacuum. Opposition leaders and former supporters alike felt that a fourth term meant a clear violation of the Constitution Morales himself had worked to implement, and many more agreed that Morales had begun to lose touch with the population after 14 years in office. Many of his former indigenous supporters were angered by Morales’s approval of a hydroelectric dam in indigenous territory.

Morales’s resignation triggered many of his top officials and closest political associates to resign as well, leaving the presidential seat to Jeanine Añez, formerly vice president of the Senate of Bolivia. The Constitution stipulates that a new election must be called for within ninety days, and upon taking power Añez openly assured the country that her taking power was purely transitional. Many have doubted Añez’s words, and have called for her resignation given her connection to the right-wing opposition in Bolivia.

Anti-indigenous graffiti has appeared throughout Bolivia, as well as videos depicting police cutting the Whiphala emblem from their uniforms. These actions have been empowered by Añez herself, in the past implicated in anti-indigenous tweets, who has called for police repression of pro-Morales protestors. Notably, Añez’s cabinet, even if temporary, contains no indigenous representatives, and it seems that she has already begun the process of rolling back strides made under Morales towards socialism and inclusion. In this way, growing worries that the rise of a new right-wing government will revive festering anti-indigenous sentiment are well-founded. Ultimately, the political uprising in Bolivia leaves the future of indigenous rights in danger, as outrage towards Morales has opened the floodgates for discrimination against the indigenous population as a whole.


Hallie Griffiths

Hallie Griffiths is an undergraduate at the University of Virginia studying Foreign Affairs and Spanish. After graduation, she hopes to apply her passion for travel and social action toward a career in intelligence and policy analysis. Outside of the classroom, she can be found, quite literally, outside: backpacking, rock climbing, or skiing with her friends.

In Honor of Pride Month, an Overview of LGBTQ+ Triumphs and Setbacks Across the Globe

From Taiwan to Kenya to the United States, LGBTQ+ individuals face profound discrimination and tirelessly advocate for equality.

DC Capital Pride Parade in the United States. Bossi. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

June is Pride Month in the United States, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer individuals across the country are commemorating the anniversary of the historic 1969 Stonewall Riots, recognized as a turning point for the LGBTQ+ liberation movement. Yet around the globe, simply existing as a sexual or gender minority can be profoundly dangerous and even life-threatening—and even amongst celebration in the US, legislative developments threaten to undo the decades of progress that have afforded LGBTQ+ individuals their rights to live with dignity and respect.

Recently in the news for LGBTQ+ discrimination is Russia, whose grim record of intolerance based on sexuality is particularly pronounced in the region of Chechnya. Located in the North Caucasus, Chechnya experienced a vicious anti-gay purge in February 2017, and one that is now tragically recurring. In early May, Human Rights Watch reported that Chechen police were rounding up men presumed to be gay or bisexual, proceeding to detain them at the Grozny Internal Affairs Department, where they were humiliated, raped, and brutally beaten. Activists with the Russian LGBT Network asserted that at least 23 men were detained between December and April due to their sexuality. Chechen authorities have denied reports of the persecution, and Russian federal authorities have neither commented nor launched an investigation.

Demonstrating against Russian homophobia. Marco Fieber. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Perhaps even more shocking than the negligence of the Russian authorities, some governments have actively ratified discriminatory treatment of LGBTQ+ individuals: Across the globe, 76 countries still place criminal sanctions on homosexuality. One such country is Brunei, a small nation located on the coast of the island of Borneo, whose Syariah Penal Code went into effect on April 3 of this year. The code calls for a wide range of barbaric punishments affecting LGTBQ+ individuals, including death by stoning for anal sex and 40 lashes with a whip for lesbian sex. It prohibits consensual same-sex conduct, broadly discriminates against women and sexual and gender minorities, and infringes upon freedom of expression and religion. In response to international outcry, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah, who holds absolute power in Brunei, has put forth a de facto moratorium on capital punishment, but the ban could be lifted at any time and does little to mitigate the dire rights offenses of the penal code.

Later that month, in Kenya, the High Court upheld similarly anachronistic laws criminalizing consensual acts between same-sex adults. The laws are a relic of colonialism, first put forth by British settlers in 1897; while they are rarely enforced, they nevertheless validate a climate of prejudice and violence, and are used to justify police harassment, employment and housing discrimination, expulsion from schools, and artistic censorship. The court case that concluded on May 24 addressed a 2016 petition by three Kenyan human-rights organizations, which asserted that the criminalization of same-sex conduct violated various rights—including equality, privacy, and human dignity—enshrined in Kenya’s constitution.

Just that same day, across the ocean in the United States, LGBTQ+ rights sustained a blow with the proposition of a new rule by President Trump’s administration. The rule would remove nondiscrimination protections for transgender people under the Affordable Care Act, erecting further barriers to wellness for a community that already faces difficulty in accessing healthcare. Protection on the state level is of little consolation, given that only 14 of out 50 US states prohibit health insurance discrimination based on gender identity, and 10 specifically exclude transgender-related care under Medicaid policy.

Protesting the Trump administration’s anti-LGBTQ+ policies. mathiaswasik. CC BY-SA 2.0

Within a sea of devastating setbacks for the global LGTBQ+ community, instances of progress and activism stand out as beacons of hope. In the deeply Catholic Mediterranean archipelago of Malta, a transgender woman named Joanne Cassar was recently allowed to marry, representing the culmination of her nine-year legal battle. The following day, on April 1, the Maltese government passed a gender recognition law, which came into existence largely due to Cassar’s efforts, and which acknowledges that “gender identity is considered to be an inherent part of a person which may or may not need surgical or hormonal treatment or therapy.” The law also initiates a working group on transgender healthcare to research international best practices, with one-third of the group mandated as being experts in the field of human rights.

In May, another historic ruling made Taiwan the first country in Asia to legalize same-sex marriage, effective from the 24th of the month. “Today, we can show the world that #LoveWins,” tweeted Taiwan’s president, Tsai Ing-wen, the morning of the ruling, celebrating the same sentiment as the crowds that turned out in the streets, cheering, weeping, and waving rainbow flags as news of the decision spread. There is still room for legislative improvement, particularly given that the law does not provide equal adoption rights for same-sex couples, but the events of May 17 nevertheless represent an impressive step forward for the East Asian region.

Appeal for Rights parade in Taipei, Taiwan. Luke,Ma. CC BY 2.0

While legislative strides are crucial to affording LGBTQ+ individuals the rights they deserve, grassroots activism can be an incredibly powerful driver of official change—such as in the case of Joanne Cassar, or of the LGBTQ+ organizers who recently marched in Honduras to celebrate the International Day against Homophobia, Biphobia, and Transphobia. The activists’ demands included an end to pervasive violence against LGBTQ+ people, legal recognition of trans identities, and curtailing prohibitions on same-sex marriage and adoption. Currently, two petitions brought forth by the leaders of activist groups—one pushing for a process allowing official name and gender changes for trans people, and one encouraging equality of marriage and adoption—are pending before Honduras’ Supreme Court, and various other LGBTQ+ rights cases are afoot in Congress and in the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

Like any human-rights movement, seeking legislative and societal parity for LGBTQ+ individuals will doubtless continue to be an arduous battle fraught with discouraging defeat—particularly considering the vast disparities between rights in different countries, as celebration of one victory in one nation is dampened by news of horrifying injustice in another. Yet with the efforts of LGBTQ+ community members and allies, and the renewed conviction offered by recent progress in Taiwan and Malta, the international community can continue to hope that each Pride Month will bring more to celebrate than the last.










TALYA PHELPS hails from the wilds of upstate New York, but dreams of exploring the globe. As former editor-in-chief at the student newspaper of her alma mater, Vassar College, and the daughter of a journalist, she hopes to follow her passion for writing and editing for many years to come. Contact her if you're looking for a spirited debate on the merits of the em dash vs. the hyphen.