Dust Storms: Syria and Iraq’s Orange Skies

Syria and Iraq are experiencing dark orange skies due to an uptake in dust storms these past few months.

Orange dust air in Kurdistan. Lachica Photo. CC BY NC-ND 2.0.

Since March, the Middle East has been plagued with dust storms that have continued into early June. Accredited to climate change, these severe dust storms have been causing mass destruction around the Middle East, forcing the closing of schools and places of work, reducing the air quality over extended periods of time and even sending people to the hospital. With citizens unable to breathe outside their homes and damage being done to property and people, the Middle East is in a state of emergency.

The Middle East is a region familiar with dust storms. Dubbed “Shamal Winds”, the northern wind current that often rips through Middle Eastern areas like Iraq has sent storms to the area for decades. However, the instances taking place this year are said to be far too frequent compared to previous national averages, and climate change is to blame. Typically, the Middle East will face on average around 270 dust storms a year. The Ministry of Environment of Iraq believes that number is predicted to rise to around 300 storms by 2050.

Orange sky after dust storms. Kaptain Kobold. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

The main effects of climate change on both the frequency and severity of dust storms have been linked to drought and the “desertification” of large land masses. Dust storms frequently affect arid or semi-arid lands; arid lands describe lands that lack water and become exceptionally dry. The Middle East is experiencing a time of excessive drought and declining rainfall rates. Brookings Institute states that the Middle East is a region listed 12th out of 17 for the most water scarcity, and the rate of rainfalls in the region have declined over the last few decades. 

These findings are heavily affecting the ability for northern currents like the Shamal Winds to pick up sand and dust particles from dry hot land, sending them sweeping across the skies of the Middle East. Because such large areas of the Middle East are drying out, strong currents are now able to pick up the dry sand and dust particles into the air, increasing not only the frequency of these dust storms because they are easier to create with progressively dry lands, but also increasing the severity due to particle-heavy air. These particles are also what create the dark orange tint to the air and sky.

Dust storm over the Middle East. Nasa Earth Observatory. CC BY 2.0.

With the air so packed with dust and sand, and with the temperatures rising as summer closes in, the Middle East is suffering. The air quality has now sent thousands to the hospital looking for reprieve from the unbreathable air, suffering from illnesses like asthma, breathing trouble and even lung congestion. Additionally, four deaths in Iraq and Syria have been attributed to the orange air. 

As of June, The Weather Channel reported there had been more than 10 dust storms in both April and May, and The Guardian stated that Saudi Arabia had already experienced 35 dust storms in only the first four months of 2022. Scientists and climate activists alike are concerned with the way these dust storms have been ravaging the Middle East, and fear the far-reaching impacts of the severe natural weather. 

The Dean of the School of Public Health at the University of Nevada spoke with The Guardian and stated that, “The impact of dust storms exceeds regional and continental boundaries,” making this problem something every country should be concerned about. Greatly linked to climate change and unconcerned with borders, dust storms may be an indication of what is to come for the rest of the globe with rising temperatures drying out massive areas of land.



Ava Mamary

Ava is an undergraduate student at the University of Illinois, double majoring in English and Communications. At school, she Web Writes about music for a student-run radio station. She is also an avid backpacker, which is where her passion for travel and the outdoors comes from. She is very passionate about social justice issues, specifically those involving women’s rights, and is excited to write content about social action across the globe. 

The Swimming Savior: Journey From Refugee to Olympian 

Syrian Yusra Mardini escaped civil war and became the face of Olympic refugees.

Yusra Mardini. l3o_. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

Yusra Mardini began swimming at the budding age of 3 in her birth country, Syria. As she grew older, she continued to pursue her swimming career with the Syrian Olympic Committee, hoping to one day fulfill her dream of competing for her country in the Olympics. Outside of the pool, however, a pressing issue loomed over Mardini’s promising athletic career: a civil war in Syria jeopardizing everything she had worked for.  

A peaceful Syrian protest in 2011 initiated an intense civil war. As it progressed, Mardini lost focus during swim practices due to the bomb threats and active bombings during her training. The danger eventually led the Mardini family to leave Syria in August of 2015, shortly after their family home was destroyed. The Mardinis embarked on a 25-day journey to Germany, crossing the Aegean Sea and seven countries along the way. 

During that time, Mardini’s swimming career and life as a refugee merged in one defining moment. While crossing the Aegean Sea on the way to Greece, the boat the Mardinis were on stopped working. In the midst of the chaos, Yusra and her sister, Sara, boldly jumped out of the boat and began to push the vessel to shore. The Mardinis successfully delivered the boat to shore, saving the 18 other passengers on board. Yusra was just 17 years old. 

Mardini began training again in Germany, the country her family settled in. This time, she swam with a greater purpose: making a name for herself at the Olympics and bringing awareness to refugees at the same time. Her hard work paid off, as Mardini was selected to compete with the 2016 Refugee Olympic Team. This team was the first of its kind, allowing refugee athletes to compete together rather than for a specific country. Representing a cause she was passionate about, Mardini traveled to Brazil to swim in the 2016 Rio Olympics and share her story with the world. She competed in the 100-meter butterfly event, as well as the 100-meter freestyle. 

After her story received positive press at the Olympics, Mardini began using her voice to represent refugees both in and out of the pool. In April of 2017, the UN Refugee Agency dubbed Mardini a Goodwill Ambassador, making her the youngest UNHCR ambassador at the age of 19. Since then, she has used her life story to represent refugees on a global scale. Mardini shares her triumphant tale at conferences, schools and through her social media, allowing people to understand the trials that come with civil war, displacement and personal growth. Mardini also attended the 2020 Tokyo Olympics, where she was given the honor of being the flag bearer for the Refugee Olympic Team. She continues to train in Berlin, Germany, where she is making a name for not only herself, but refugees everywhere who are looking for a new beginning, just as Mardini once was.



Ellie Sabby

Ellie is a senior at the University of Minnesota Twin Cities, studying English literature. She is the Chief Online Editor and Chief Art Editor for undergraduate literary and art magazine, The Tower. In her free time, she enjoys writing poetry, reading anything by Shakespeare, and fulfilling her passion for traveling through a variety of spontaneous trips.

10 Miles From Their Past: Za’atari Syrian Refugee Camp in Jordan

Jordan opened the Za'atari refugee camp in 2012, which has now gradually turned into a permanent settlement. Za’atari is home to an estimated 80,000 refugees, more than half of which are children. 

Less than 10 miles from the Syrian border sits the Za’atari refugee camp in Jordan’s desert. A camp that began as a collection of tents has now become an urban settlement with thousands of portacabins. At its peak, Za’atari hosted 150,000 refugees, today the camp hosts 80,000. For many it’s the closest thing to home, however many still struggle to find work to make a steady income. 

Syrian Refugee Learning To Sew. UN Women Gallery. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

The Za’atari refugee camp has all of the components that make up a city, including 32 schools, 58 community centers and eight medical clinics.  Despite all of this aid, there are still insufficient resources for the influx of refugees housed there. Less than a fifth of the population has current work permits. Many men work illegally to support their families. Many women are excluded from employment and have to fight against social norms that call for them to stay home. However, the camp has provided classes geared towards women to teach them basic skills to help them earn an income. The benefits of these classes is to restore routine in their lives, fight off cultural norms and aid in their mental healing. It also helps them regain purpose and become self-sufficient. 

Children make up 58% of the population in Za’atari and an estimated 22,000 children are enrolled in school. They attend makeshift classes, but organizations are calling for an increase in financial aid. There is a need for more trained teachers and improved safety measures to facilitate the children’s access to class. Many girls face harassment and abuse as they walk to classes or as they walk back home. In addition, there’s a lack of resources for the children that need extra support in learning the material. The civil war has impacted where the children stand against their global peers in regards to education. Half of Syrian middle school-aged children are unable to read at a second-grade level and an average of 59% of middle school students could not do a second-grade math problem. In addition, only 1% of youth pursue higher education due to difficulty in obtaining transcripts, unfamiliar entrance exams, a language barrier and lack of funds. 

The trauma experienced by both adults and children from the war and subsequently the resettlement process into another country, has led to a serious impact on the mental health of refugees. More than three-quarters of Syrian refugees have mental health symptoms. The violence, killings of loved ones and peers, destruction and frequent fear for their lives has caused PTSD, depression and anxiety, as well as intellectual and cognitive difficulties. To escalate the situation, there’s a stigma towards individuals with mental illness in Middle Eastern countries. Therefore, not many express the difficulties they face and the trauma they have experienced. The Za’atari camp offers mental health aid to the individuals and guides them towards healing so they are able to lead productive and mentally stable lives in the future. 

The cost of keeping the 530-hectare camp operating every single day costs $500,000. Each person in the family (regardless of age) receives JOD 23 ($32) a month to cover food expenses. The money can be used in the two contracted supermarkets (Safeway and Tazweed) located in the camp or the four bread selling points. This allows the camp refugees to choose from a variety of produce to feed their families, bringing a sense of normalcy. Moreover, each family also receives 35 liters of water a day used for cleaning, drinking, eating and flushing the toilet. The water is filtered and chlorinated to meet the standards of tap water across Jordan. Water is brought in by dozens of tanker trucks or pumped from desert boreholes that directly feed water to the porta cabins. Electricity is provided through the solar power plant in Za’atari and has eased families' living conditions in the camp. It has improved their safety and security while facilitating food storage and allowing children longer hours to do their homework. The plant has helped save $5 million per year in electricity bills. 

The Za’atari camp is a safe place where many aid workers and volunteers live. However, many forms of crime still exist: theft, violence, smuggling. Crime erupts as people are frustrated with their living situation and the limited resources available to them. There is little formal employment available within the camp. This results in refugees selling personal items, supplies received from organizations  and, at times, prostitution. A young refugee girl said that she sells her body to support her family back home during the war. She makes, on average, $70 a day and although she fears persecution by Jordanian authorities, she explains that it’s her only way to help her family. Prostitution in Jordan is illegal and punishable. If foreign women and men are found guilty, they can be deported. Desperate families will at times sell their young daughters and forcefully marry them to men in the refugee camp.

The camp will continue to host and support refugees through education, livelihood opportunities and work permits. This will alleviate the trauma and circumstances lived by many Syrians. The Za’atari leaders hope to return a sense of dignity to the refugees and bring opportunity to the camp inhabitants with the resources provided. 

To Get Involved

UNHCR helps provide aid to Syrian refugees who have fled. They provide shelter kits and non-food items as well as protection services and psychosocial support to those who remain in Syria. 

To learn more about UNHCR click here.

To support the Syrian refugees through UNHCR click here.



Jennifer Sung

Jennifer is a Communications Studies graduate based in Los Angeles. She grew up traveling with her dad and that is where her love for travel stems from. You can find her serving the community at her church, Fearless LA or planning her next trip overseas. She hopes to be involved in international humanitarian work one day.

Nonprofits Reach Syrian Refugee Children Through Education

As the Syrian refugee crisis enters its 10th year, children continue to suffer from mass displacement and a lack of educational opportunities. 

Syrian primary schoolchildren. DFID. CC2.0

The Syrian refugee crisis is considered by many to be the most urgent humanitarian crisis of the decade. Since 2011, the conflict has displaced 11 million people through the destruction of countless homes, hospitals, schools and public buildings. An equally large number of Syrians require humanitarian assistance, over half of them being children. Many of these young children lack safe spaces to play, face childhood neglect and have witnessed horrific violence in their lives. Numerous children are at risk of developing toxic stress, which is a biological response that impedes growth and development when humans have experienced too much hardship. 

However, with hardship also comes hope. Reaching children early and providing educational opportunities have been shown to alleviate toxic stress, allowing children to live productive and happy lives. However, educational resources for Syrian refugee children remain in short supply. Despite its importance in providing children a brighter and more stable future, education efforts only receive 3% of humanitarian aid annually. Additionally, many humanitarian organizations do not provide adequate educational resources for children to increase school enrollment. 

Students in Syria start to drop out at the age of 12, when they are in secondary school. A study conducted on Syrian refugee children in Jordan showed that only 25% of students are enrolled in secondary school, citing a lack of safe transportation, limited educational resources available, poverty and limited professional opportunities as contributing factors. Children who drop out of school are at increased risk of experiencing hardship in their lives, including living in poverty, being subjected to child marriage and facing sexual violence. Adequate educational resources and child support are essential to help provide resilience and much-needed support for Syrian refugee children. Some nonprofit organizations are aiming to do just that.

Making a Difference in Syrian Refugee Children’s Lives

Syrian refugee children at a school in Lebanon. DFID. CC2.0

A new educational program developed by the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and Sesame Workshop aims to provide adequate educational resources for Syrian refugee children. Called Ahlan Simsim, which translates to “Welcome Sesame” in Arabic, the program aims to combine the IRC’s experience working in conflict zones with the TV show “Sesame Street,” which is known for its educational and nurturing effects on children. Program resources include safe spaces for young children to play, an Arabic-language version of ”Sesame Street,” parenting resources for caregivers, and partnerships with nonprofits and local governments to ensure child access to education. In light of COVID-19, educational programming takes place through WhatsApp and online video. 

Ahlan Simsim provides children with skills in literacy and numeracy while helping them develop emotional resilience. For example, the program will teach students how to deal with difficult situations, understand their feelings and empathize with others. The program is a winner of the MacArthur Foundation’s 100&Change grant competition and is among the most ambitious early childhood development programs ever attempted by the humanitarian system. According to Sherrie Westin, executive vice president for global impact and philanthropy at Sesame Workshop, “The issue we are addressing is the greatest humanitarian crisis of our time. We know we can make a difference in the long term if we reach children early. Without that, there’s an entire generation at risk, and that has repercussions not just for their future, but for a more peaceful, stable world for all children.”

To Get Involved: 

Check out this link to the International Rescue Committee’s webpage to learn more about the Ahlan Simsim initiative.


Megan Gürer

is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

Syria’s Allies Exploit the Nation’s Strife

With friends like these, who needs enemies?

A long road to recovery. Chaoyue Pan. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Bashar Assad didn’t survive his country’s civil war alone. Only with the help of Russia was he able to resist rebel forces and reestablish his grip on Syria. Now, his grip on power seems unshakable, and the question has moved from who will win to how Syria will rebuild. This challenge, however, Assad might have to do alone.

It will be a mighty task. Every aspect of Syria’s economy suffered in the almost decade long civil war. Oil, the country’s primary export, is being produced at one-sixth its prewar level, and last year’s wheat crop was half the prewar average. 60% of businesses have closed either permanently or temporarily. What savings citizens had are losing value fast, for the Syrian currency lost 70% of its value against the dollar. The forthcoming peace is preferable to war but far from easy. 

COVID-19 only adds to the country’s plight. The Assad regime has attempted to hide the extent of the devastation by blaming COVID-19 deaths on “pneumonia,” but the damage is clearly intense. Desperate for food and cash, many Syrians shirked lockdown measures. Other measures enforced in other countries are impossible to follow in a war zone. What little medical infrastructure existed has been swiftly overwhelmed. 

The ruins of Aleppo. Ihh Insani Yardim. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Syria’s allies and neighbors seem content to watch its slow death and profit where they can. Recently, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov visited not to help with reconstruction efforts but to scope out energy and construction contracts. Russia knows it can depend on Syria’s loyalty because the Assad regime has nowhere else to turn. Turkish involvement in Syria, meanwhile, focused on supporting anti-Assad rebels along with limiting the influence of regional Kurds, an ethnic group with aspirations of a nation-state.

What’s left of Azaz. Christiaan Triebert. CC BY-NC 2.0.

The United States and Europe provide only humanitarian aid. The U.S. heaped sanctions on Assad’s government in an effort to force at least a semi-democratic settlement, but Assad drifts still further into authoritarianism. At one point, President Donald Trump entertained assassinating the Syrian leader after his use of chemical weapons in 2018. “I would have rather taken him out. I had him all set. Mattis didn’t want to do it,” Trump said, referring to former Secretary of Defense James Mattis. To switch from a desire for assassination to a respectful negotiation would be a stark, and unlikely, change. 

Rather than give aid, Russia seems content to exploit Syria’s weaknesses. As always, the decisions of Syria’s leaders and allies will mainly affect Syrian citizens. The Assad regime’s finances have been bled so dry that it is rumored that customs officers and generals impound trucks and confiscate goods just to charge hefty bribes for their return. 

The plight of Syrian mercenaries illustrates just how dire life the situation has become. Years of fighting created a generation of young men whose only marketable skill is waging war. With no fighting left to be done at home and hungry families to feed, these men have enlisted as mercenary soldiers for Turkey and Russia. Once on the fringe of Syrian life, brick and mortar offices now house recruiters who advertise on WhatsApp, often lying about the safety of certain deployments. Families have more or less accepted fighting as a necessary means to make a living. In the current economy, there are no other options. 

Nowhere left to run. a.anis. CC BY-ND 2.0.

What these fighters make can hardly be called a living. A soldier earns the equivalent of $1 a day, most of which has to be sent home to their family. Syrian mercenaries were deployed in 2019 to fight the conflict in Libya, and just recently, they were deployed to fight for Azerbaijan against Armenia in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh territory. Russia and Turkey have made pawns out of Syria’s most desperate citizens to support their foreign policy expansions. As one Syrian businessman loyal to Assad observed, “Our saviors have become vultures.”

Syria’s isolation will only intensify in the near future. The Netherlands recently announced that it is preparing a case for the International Criminal Court at The Hague for “gross human rights violations and torture in particular.” Russia repeatedly blocked efforts from the U.N. Security Council to refer such a case, but the Netherlands has bypassed the U.N. altogether. It is yet another thrust from the international community to move Assad in a more democratic direction., For the time being, however, Assad refuses to budge and the plight of Syrians is likely to continue. 


Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Syria’s Struggle: How 10-Day Span Air Raid Wiped Out Over 100 Civilians

On July 26, 2019, an air raid over Syria caused many casualties and sparked concern about why the violence was not being addressed by media outlets.

Protestor sign in London. chrisjohnbeckett. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Many people have lost their lives in an air-bombing raid in Syria in the past few weeks. The raid killed 103 people in only 10 days. Michelle Bachelet, human rights advocate, blames the government for the mass bombings, condemning the “failure of leadership by the world’s most powerful nations”. Syria, as well as Syria's ally – Russia, have denied the attack on civilians, claiming they are not responsible for the violence.

UN specialist Michelle Bachelet, brought the UN’s attention to what was going on, stating that “These are civilian objects, and it seems highly unlikely, given the persistent pattern of such attacks, that they are all being hit by accident,” she added. “Intentional attacks against civilians are war crimes, and those who have ordered them or carried them out are criminally responsible for their actions.”

The air raids occurred over the Idlib regioni and in rural Aleppo region. Bachelet states, the areas “have experienced civilian casualties as a result of airstrikes in the past ten days alone, causing a minimum of 103 civilian deaths, including at least 26 children”. The reason Bachelet was so passionate about bringing the UN attention to the violence was because no one else was. The events happened over a 10 day span and in those ten days, little to no coverage was happening to address and possibly stop the violence. Bachelet states that she is “concerned that the continued carnage in Syria ‘is no longer on the international radar.’”

The air raids targeted a rebel-populated base, attacking “medical facilities, schools and other civilian infrastructure such as markets and bakeries”. These frequent and malicious attacks are too premeditated to be labeled as an “accident”, claims Bachelet. 

According to a statement made in the Daily Star, “The region under attack is home to some three million people, nearly half of them already displaced from other parts of the country. It covers nearly all of Idlib and parts of Aleppo, Hama, and Latakia provinces. The Idlib region is controlled by jihadist alliance Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, led by Al-Qaeda’s former Syria affiliate.” Still, because there was such a lack of response to the air raids, no one is taking responsibility. 

The office for the coordination of humanitarian affairs (OCHA) issued a statement claiming the air raids were seen as the “deadliest days” in the Idlib and Aleppo regions. 

Bachelet states, “This is a failure of leadership by the world’s most powerful nations, resulting in tragedy on such a vast scale that we no longer seem to be able to relate to it at all.”




OLIVIA HAMMOND is an undergraduate at Emerson College in Boston, Massachusetts. She studies Creative Writing, with minors in Sociology/Anthropology and Marketing. She has travelled to seven different countries, most recently studying abroad this past summer in the Netherlands. She has a passion for words, traveling, and learning in any form. 



PHOTOESSAY: The Young Men of the Free Syrian Army

The front lines of the Syrian Civil War trace through alleys and ancient streets in the Old City of Aleppo. Defending these lines are young men, most less than two decades old, carrying AK-47s and homemade grenades.

They have no military training and will not wear body armor for fear of delaying the time of death anointed for them by Allah. They are kids and recent college graduates who picked up guns for their country and, most of all, for revenge. All have lost friends and family to Assad. "These young men are warmhearted and hospitable, but daily burdened and degraded by the fighting. Every fighter I met had a different story that brought him to Aleppo; this project attempts to tell those stories.” — Cengiz Yar.



CENGIZ YAR @cengizyar

Based out of Chicago, Cengiz is a documentary photographer and freelance photojournalist whose work has been featured in publications around the world. His photography focuses on human conflicts, both violent and peaceful, and aims to encourage understanding by fostering interest and making the alien familiar.

SYRIA: Raising Among Ruins, Dancing Amid Bullets

The Syrian Civil War has torn apart homes, families, and entire cities.

From September 2014 to January 2015, the Syrian city of Kobanî, on the northern border with Turkey, and more than 350 villages in the Kobanî district, were held under siege by militants of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (also known as ISIL, ISIS, or Daesh). The fighting left the city utterly destroyed and by January more than 400,000 displaced Kurds had fled the region for neighbouring Turkey.

Yet the courageous women fighters of the Kurdish YPJ (Women’s Protection Units) stayed behind, taking up arms alongside their male comrades in the Kurdish YPG (People’s Protection Units), as part of an ongoing and dedicated effort to overcome the Islamic State militants in the region, and to rebuild and reclaim their lives.

Serda, a YPJ fighter, with her fellow male comrade from YPG, in Baghdak village, near Kobanî. 

Finally, on 26th January 2015, the Kurdish fighters — alongside reinforcements from the Free Syrian Army and supported by US-led airstrikes — began to retake the city, driving ISIS into a steady retreat. The following day, on 27th January 2015, in a historic and strategic defeat that was reported around the world, the city of Kobanî was fully recaptured. The flag of the Kurdish resistance flew once again on the hill above the city.
 

A destroyed tank stands amid the rubble in the devastated city of Kobanî. 

In the weeks and months following the liberation of Kobanî, and as the Kurdish fighters continued to advance, taking back many of the villages ISIS had captured during the siege, the families of Kobanî have begun to return to what was left of their homes. With hopes of rebuilding their lives, their homes, and their city, the people cleared the streets of dead bodies and buried the fighters who lost their lives.
 

Travelling to the Kobanî region in March 2015, less than eight weeks after the city had been recaptured from the Islamic State, I lived with a group of Kurdish fighters for almost a month.

I was able to witness their pain and their sorrow, their joy and their triumphs, as they continued to fight for their freedom.

In part, this trip was a continuation of my ongoing project documenting the lives and experiences of Kurdish women fighters, which began back in 2012, when I spent time with the female soldiers living in military camps in Iraqi Kurdistan. I realized that these women are fighting more than one battle. Not only are they fighting the oppression and violence of the Islamic State, they are also determined to prove their role as women in a male-dominated society — a difficult yet promising battle.

After the liberation of Kobanî, the world’s attention was finally focused, for a time, on this region, and many cameras were pointed towards the women who had fought alongside their male comrades. Sadly I realized that not many people knew about the long history of female fighters’ involvement in previous battles — as if during the war in Syria, they had picked up a gun for the first time!
 

Portrait of a young Kurdish YPJ fighter. 

To reach what was left of Kobanî, I had to cross illegally through the Turkish border like many other journalists and activists. We passed through the city of Suruç on the Turkish side of the border, where I spent a week waiting. A few months later, on July 20th 2015, an ISIS suicide bomber, identified as a 20-year-old student, killed more than 30 people and wounded more than 100 at a Turkish cultural centre in Suruç.

Finally one night we crossed the border and entered Kobanî. On the same way back a month or so later, I was arrested by the Turkish police and after a few hours was released. Since it was my first time, they let me go with the promise of not making this “mistake” again.

While in Kobanî I stayed part of the time at a house for journalists or often with people from Kobanî whom I met and got to know. The 35 days I spent in and around this shattered city was an unforgettable and moving experience. Seeing the people returning to what little was left of their homes was sobering, but encouraging as well.

The story of Kobanî is not only about war and its horrific consequences, it is also about the power of humanity, courage, and solidarity.
 

Having returned to the city, Kurdish men walk through the destroyed buildings in Kobanî. 

Kobanî is in fact part of Rojava, or Western Kurdistan — a de facto autonomous region in northern Syria. The region gained its autonomy during November 2013, as part of the ongoing Rojava Revolution, and aims to establish a society based on the principles of direct democracy, gender equality, and sustainability.

And while Kurdish women have gained some equality in recent years, for most of these women, fighting with the military forces is their first opportunity for independence and empowerment in their traditionally male-dominated society. The more I spent time with women of different ages and backgrounds, the more I realized the significance of this story.
 

26 March 2015, Roonahit, a YPJ fighter prepares dinner for the fighters in Baghdak village.

27 March 2015, newly joined YPJ fighter writes her diary by gas light in Baghdak village. 

Too many images of people fighting create an “us” and “them” dynamic in the mainstream media. Portraits of daily life, or times of great emotion, give us moments that we can feel and relate to, perhaps opening the doors of understanding. There were some moments of joy, too.

Below you see a group of young YPG and YPJ fighters dancing in the village of Baghdak, outside the city. Each day a truck passed by, bringing food and other basic supplies for the fighters. During the few minutes while the truck unloaded, they took advantage of the music coming from the radio. Such moments were seized with abandon, bringing momentary relief and release from the hard reality of the ongoing fight.
 

I can only hope that each reader will be able to put themselves in the place of the women, and men, in these images, remember their faces and surroundings, and understand the plight of these brave people.
 

Three fighters from the YPJ walk through fields on the western front-line near the city of Kobanî on April 7, 2015. 

Even though Kobanî had been liberated, every two days during my stay, there was a funeral for more of the fighters on the front-lines who were still defending the city. At the time of my visit the Kurdish fighters had reclaimed 160 villages, and by late April 2015, ISIS had lost almost all of the villages it had captured during the siege. During May and June of 2015, the YPG, along with allied reinforcements, continued to fight and captured huge swaths of territory in northern Syria, linking the district of Kobanî with another Kurdish region, Jazira.

Below, in a cemetery in Kobanî, you see family and fellow fighters sit by the graves as they mourn their loved ones, YPG and YPJ fighters, who were killed during clashes with ISIS on these front-lines outside the city.
 

And here, you see a group of YPJ and YPG fighters carrying coffins and mourning their fellow Kurdish fighters, one of whom was called Ageri, killed during fierce clashes with ISIS on eastern front-line near Kobanî.
 

During the siege of Kobanî, in times of heavy fighting with ISIS who still controlled part of the city, the bodies of Kurdish fighters who were killed in action were buried between the houses in a part of the city that was under Kurdish control. Below you see a family, who have just returned to the city to rebuild their lives, passing by this temporary cemetery.
 

Even now, before and after their victories defending the villages and regions outside the city, there is a constant threat of death or serious injury to the Kurdish fighters, especially during firefights and patrols. They must be constantly on the move, setting up makeshift camps in old structures, like this abandoned school you see below, in Baghdak.
 

At the time of my visit, two hospitals were open inside the city, but the lack of medicine and equipment made it extremely difficult for even the most trained nurse or doctor to provide basic treatment. Just a few days before I crossed back over the border to Turkey, some of the first small shops began to open again, allowing people to purchase basic necessities.  

With only two schools open in Kobanî, there was little access to proper education, and no psychological support for the children of returning families, who have suffered immensely during the war. Instead, they were spending much of their time playing in the rubble. Below you see a young Kurdish boy going through some books left in a destroyed building in Azadi (Liberation) Square, during April 2015.
 

During recent months, although more progress is slowly being made towards rebuilding life in the city — for instance, in March 2016, electricity returned to Kobanî and some surrounding villages after three years of outage, due to ISIS control of the Tishreen dam and main power station — the civilians who have returned are still struggling with difficult living conditions. Food prices are escalating and there are very few opportunities for work, so that they can support their families.

While I was in Kobanî, the Turkish government had only opened the border one way, allowing families who want to go back to Kobanî to pass through, but for international organizations and people who wish to help with rebuilding Kobanî, the only way to reach the city was to cross over illegally. Today, Turkey continues control the border tightly, allowing only some materials to reach the city. For instance, in January 2016, Turkish border guards prevented an aid convoy from entering the city, confiscating its contents, and arresting aid workers. Returning to Kobanî again last month, in May 2016, I found the border still officially closed.
 

Kurdish children play by a fire in the streets of Kobanî. 

And still, the battle is not over. The women fighters of the YPJ, and their male comrades, continue to defend the slowly regenerating city from ISIS attacks, and engage in mutual bombardment and fierce clashes, as they protect other villages and towns in the Kobanî region. At the end of March 2016, ISIS militants launched an offensive ahead of the important Kurdish celebration of ‘Newroz’. Shelling areas in western Kobanî with homemade rockets, they targeted residential buildings in the village of al-Qibba, killing and injuring civilians, including women and children. This brought back memories of the devastating massacre carried out by ISIS suicide bombers a few months after my visit, who infiltrated Kobanî on 25-26th June 2015, killing over 500 civilians and few Kurdish fighters.
 

Notwithstanding the recent attacks, with the border to Turkey still tightly controlled, and international aid struggling to pass through, the people of Kobanî are left isolated, facing both the psychological trauma of conflict and the challenge of rebuilding their houses alone. Many also remain at risk from the explosive remnants of war, such as the hidden handmade bombs and landmines left behind by ISIS militants.

The lengthy after effects of war on the innocent civilian population are often quickly forgotten by those of us living in a safer world.
 

At some point, I could not help but feel angry when I saw the amount of suffering these women fighters, and their male comrades, are enduring in Northern Syria, and the little aid and support they are receiving from the outside world. It was an incredibly frustrating experience to witness so much suffering and yet not enough help getting through. The Turkish government is threatened by the independence of the Kurdish people, and so the fighters face threats on both sides of their borders, from the Islamic State and Turkey. In many ways, they are alone and vulnerable.
 

A group of YPJ and YPG fighters crossing the Euphrates‎ river on the western front-line near Kobanî.

Below you see Chiman, a member of the YPJ and one of the Kurdish female fighters I got to know, walking through the wreckage in the parts of the city where she and her fellow fighters battled and eventually overcame ISIS, following the siege. Chiman, who is originally from Iraqi Kurdistan, was one of the commanders during this fight. Looking back over those hard times, she tries to keep the memory of those who passed away alive, and continues their important work protecting the city.

For Chiman and her fellow fighters, defending Kobanî is not just a matter of defending a city and its people, but of defending humanity.
 

THIA ARTICLE WAS ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED ON MAPTIA 

I Met Bashar Al Assad. He Was Pretty Cool.

In May of 2008, as a 24-year-old student at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government, I went on a two-week, student-led trip to Lebanon and Syria. As part of that trip, we had unprecedented access to Bashar Al Assad and his wife Asma.

The 20 of us on the trip stayed in a boutique hotel in downtown Damascus, a dusty stones' throw from the massive Umayyad Mosque, dating back to the pre-Christian days of Aramea. We spent the first day exploring the chaotic, ancient city. Conde Nast would a year later call Damascus a must-see destination, and our hotel was on their recommendation list.

My family is half Turkish Jews, and a few of my friends and I made our way to the Jewish quarter, where I connected with a group of Jewish Syrians whose families had been living there since the days of Jesus. We took a photo together underneath the domineering gaze of Bashar, his father Hafez, and the early Jewish scholar Maimonedes. The elderly Jewish men and women showed us thousand year-old Torah scrolls, and they described how they felt safe as a tiny minority in a land dominated by Islam. Under Bashar Al Assad, Syrian citizens of all stripes traded privacy for security. These people were oppressed, but they were free and safe to practice their religion openly -- not the case under many other regimes. But the silence and fear were palpable. The oppression showed in their tight smiles, and in the hardened stares behind their eyes.

The morning we met Bashar and Asma, we all put on suits and ties, and boarded a private bus. Surrounded by armored SUVs and stiff looking dudes on 1200 CC motorcycles, we rumbled our way out of downtown Damascus, and up to Bashar's palace. Perched on top of a nearby mountain like a dictatorial acropolis, we passed through multiple checkpoints as we ascended a deserted four-lane road that felt more like a military runway than a driveway. All 20 of us sat in hushed silence as the enormity of both the building, and this opportunity, dawned on us.

The country's more recent past was grim. Bashar's father, Hafez Al Assad took power in 1970. For the next 30 years, he ran the country as if he had trained in the school of torture, death, and oppression. He was an Alawite, a religious minority. He handled the Sunni majority like a sadist. In 1982, he put down a Muslim Brotherhood uprising in the city of Hama by indiscriminately slaughtering 20,000 of its men, women, and children. He then paved over their mangled and mixed remains with concrete in order to avoid being charged with war crimes.

Bashar was studying ophthalmology in London in 1994 when his older brother, the heir to the presidency, died in a car accident. Hafez called Bashar back from the UK, expedited him through the country's military schools, and prepared him to inherit the realm. At Hafez's death in 2000, Bashar became president. His wife Asma Al Assad was generally referred to as a "bright," "energetic," "fashionable," "smart," and "modern" woman. She was born in London to a Syrian cardiologist and his diplomat wife, she drove herself everywhere (rare for a first lady in a conservative regime), and she turned down Harvard Business School (my alma mater) to marry Bashar.

Since taking power eight years prior, Bashar and Asma had done zero non-Arabic interviews. They almost never left Syria. And they certainly had never sat down with a group of American, European and Asian Harvard students prepped to the nines with tough questions. This was an unprecedented opportunity.

We pulled up to Bashar's palace. The structure looked like an enormous Arabian genie had mashed together the Pentagon, Disney's Aladdin, and Saddam Hussein's architectural wet dream. A Middle Eastern Ivan Drago with perfectly coiffed hair dressed in a five thousand dollar custom suit greeted us as we got off the bus. The guy could have been a male model or top-flight investment banker, but I could see the bulge of some weapon system underneath his suit jacket. He calmly asked us to follow him, and our group of 20 wandered into the entrance. No pat down, no metal detector. We just strode right in.

The building was designed by famed Japanese architect Kenzo Tange. The foyer was the size of a football field, with a 10-story gold inverted bowl chandelier hovering over what looked like a school bus-sized terracotta volcano. Eighty-foot tall marble columns reflected off the mirror smooth floor. Ornate tile patterns adorned the walls, and at the far end of the foyer 30-foot-tall bronze doors were shut tight. You couldn't imagine a more perfect dictator's lair.

We were ushered into a side room, all marble, mother of pearl, and intricate tile. Our 20 seats were aligned on two sides of the space, and at the head of the room were two mahogany upholstered thrones. Above the thrones hung a six-foot-tall imperial eagle, also carved out of mahogany. We were served bottled water and some sort of juice from concentrate, but before I could take a preservative-riddled sip, there he was. We all stood as Bashar Al Assad entered the room.

He strode to the thrones, shaking hands with all of us along the way. Smiling, saying "Hello, thank you for coming, nice to meet you" in his nerdy, unobtrusive, borderline lisp. He took his seat.

We spent the next two hours asking him every possible question we could imagine. We started off friendly, asking about development goals, banking reforms, gross domestic product, international trade, and his family. Bashar talked about democracy, raising three children, missing London. We then started playing rough.

"How can you in good conscience preside over a brutal intelligence apparatus?"

"What was your involvement in the murder of Raafik Hariri in Beirut?"

"Why do you support Hezbollah?"

"What is your relationship with Iran?"

We were not friendly. We were downright confrontational.

And he responded to every question with measured, well-reasoned, very convincing answers. He was straight up amazing. He parried our hardest punches, he acknowledged the massacres and pain caused during his father's era, and he eloquently laid out his vision for a reformed Syria, for a modern, healthy, happy Syria. We ate it up.

Two hours into our inquisition, as we lost our venom and began to come around, he brought in Asma. She was beautiful. She wore a fashionable dress that looked like it was made from strips of marble and cloud. She sat in the other throne next to Bashar, and she too answered our questions. She spoke about her passion, the future youth of Syria, bringing Syria's magnificent culture into the twenty-first century. She spoke with an enchanting British accent, about her plans to open local development centers throughout the country, where she would extend education and extracurricular support to the millions of her citizens who needed her help.

We all left the session thrilled. There was hope! These were enlightened monarchs! They just needed to get their story out to the world!

And then, the icing on the cake -- he invited us all to his private box at the opera. That evening we kept on our suits and ties, and we attended the Syrian National Symphony Orchestra's Annual Gala Concert. Bashar and Asma were announced, we all rose, and then our "delegation" from Harvard was announced to the crowd of several thousand in the gilded opera hall. We were all enchanted.

In May 2008, there was no way of knowing that the Arab Spring would erupt, and that it would take down the dictators of Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt. There was no way of knowing that Assad, the nerdy ophthalmologist with a long neck and bad mustache, would kill reportedly over one hundred thousand of Syria's citizens. There was no way of knowing that he would launch SCUD missiles, and chemical weapons, at his own people. There was no way of knowing that he would torture hundreds of thousands more, many of them children.

As Joan Juliet Buck reported:

On April 29, 2011, a chubby 13-year-old boy named Hamza Ali al-Khateeb was arrested during a protest in Saida, near Daraa. On May 24, Hamza's mutilated body was returned to his parents. The report by Al Jazeera said: "The child had spent nearly a month in the custody of Syrian security, and when they finally returned the corpse, it bore the scars of brutal torture: lacerations, bruises and burns to his feet, elbows, face, and knees. Hamza's eyes were swollen and black and there were identical bullet wounds where he had apparently been shot through both arms, the bullets tearing a hole in his sides and lodging in his belly. On Hamza's chest was a deep, dark burn mark. His neck was broken and his penis cut off."

Today I wonder about Asma and Bashar Al Assad. The friendly, smart, kind parents who cared so much about the youth and future of Syria. The English accent, and the unobtrusive lisp. How could they not know what was happening? How could they stand by and do nothing while the Syrian regime mutilated the future?

I'd like to think that Bashar has no power, that it's really his generals who have wrested all control and are tearing apart that beautiful ancient land. I'd like to think that I'm a better judge of character. I'd like to think that there is a part of this story that I'm missing, something that ties it all together so that my time with Bashar Al Assad and his wife makes sense.

But that's not the case. We were duped by a monster.

ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN THE HUFFINGTON POST.

 

NICK TARANTO

@NickTaranto

Nick is co-founder of Plated.com where he runs all non-technical aspects of the e-commerce gourmet recipe kit delivery business. Nick graduated from Dartmouth College and then started a microfinance institution in Central Java, Indonesia while on a Fulbright grant. Nick is a US Marine Corps infantry officer, and has spent time consulting with McKinsey & Co and as a private wealth advisor with Goldman Sachs. He received his MPA and MBA from the Harvard Kennedy School and Business School. He has six brothers and sisters, is married, and loves peaty whiskey and esoteric endurance sports.