Sri Lankan Journalists Revive the #MeToo Movement

Female journalists in Sri Lanka have united under the #MeToo movement to foster change within the newsroom.

An overhead view of Colombo, Sri Lanka. Jalitha Hewage. Unsplash. 

The Sri Lankan government has called for an investigation of several media outlets following allegations of sexual harassment from female journalists. This resurgence of the #MeToo movement was sparked on June 18 when Sri Lankan journalist Sarah Kellapatha spoke up on Twitter about her experience with a male colleague who threatened to rape her during her time at a publication from 2010-2017. 

Encouraged by Kellapatha’s story, several other female journalists began to speak out about their own experiences with sexual harassment in the workplace. For example, Sahla Ilham spoke out about being sexually abused by an editor who pressured her family to remain silent. Another who shared their experience was Jordana Narin, who was harassed by a senior colleague until he was forced to resign by the chief editor. 

The Sri Lankan government appears to be taking these allegations seriously, as the Minister of Mass Media, Keheliya Rambukwella, asked the Government Information Department to further investigate the claims to help ensure that female journalists feel safe at work. 

Currently, the only type of law that Sri Lanka has to address sexual harassment is a criminal law, which would result in imprisonment of up to five years, or a mere fine, for those found guilty. However, according to human rights lawyer Ermiza Tegal, the problem is that the criminal law is rarely used and victims are often undermined and invalidated. 

This recent movement shares its roots with the global #MeToo campaign which started back in 2017 following numerous sexual assault allegations against Harvey Weinstein. The movement fostered awareness of sexual abuse, as well as a safe space for victims to speak about their experiences. Similarly, the journalists who have come forward in Sri Lanka have shared their own experiences, many of them from different news publications, in hopes of fostering change and reform within newsrooms. 

Zara Irshad

Zara is a third year Communication student at the University of California, San Diego. Her passion for journalism comes from her love of storytelling and desire to learn about others. In addition to writing at CATALYST, she is an Opinion Writer for the UCSD Guardian, which allows her to incorporate various perspectives into her work.

COVID-19 Has Fueled Child Labor in Nepal

With the closing of schools due to COVID-19 and insufficient government aid, children in Nepal are being pushed into dangerous labor.

Stop Child Labor Graffiti in Kothari. The Advocacy Project. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

The COVID-19 pandemic has affected all aspects of life in Nepal, including education, government assistance, employment and domestic life. Due to adults losing their jobs and income, the rising illness and death rates among caregivers, and even more lockdowns, children are being forced into exploitative labor so they can provide for their families.

The second wave of COVID-19 cases in Nepal continues to put children at risk of child labor. Many children feel that they have no choice in the matter—they work long, grueling hours to help their families survive and provide food.

In Nepal, children work at places like brick kilns, carpet factories and in construction, or as carpenters or vendors selling various items. Some children carry heavy bags at mining sites or crush ore with hammers, all while breathing in dust and fumes from machines and acquiring injuries from sharp objects or particles.

Human Rights Watch interviewed 25 Nepali children between ages 8 and 16, and nearly all of them said that the COVID-19 pandemic had a negative effect on their family income. According to this report, one-third of the children interviewed worked at least 12 hours per day, and some even worked seven days per week. Among the reported side-effects of working long hours, children listed fatigue, dizziness and muscle pain. In addition, many children described hazardous working conditions; many have experienced violence, harassment and pay theft.

A majority of children interviewed also reported that they made less than Nepali minimum wage for their work, which is 517 rupees per day ($4.44 in U.S. dollars). Some children said their employers paid their parents based on a piece rate instead of paying them directly.

Nutrition education seminar in Bandarkharka, Nepal. Bread for the World. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

One of the biggest factors contributing to the rise in child labor is the lack of access to education due to COVID-19. In Nepal, school closures began on March 18, 2020, which affected more than 8 million students. A majority of Nepali students were unable to learn online as well, leaving them without education for over a year. In that education gap, children were often forced to work for their families.

Although most schools reopened in Nepal in January and February of 2021, some children continued to work because their families still needed their child’s income to prevent  going into debt. However, in April 2021, schools closed again due to a second wave of COVID-19, and children were put back to work.

Several of Nepal’s neighboring countries, including Bangladesh, India and Pakistan, have expanded cash allowances in order to cover more families. However, Nepal has not yet taken this step. Nepal needs to expand cash allowances so children can be taken out of dangerous labor and put back into school, as well as to enable families to maintain adequate standards of living without relying on child labor.

TO GET INVOLVED

To aid in the global fight against child labor, volunteer with Global March Against Child Labor, a wide network of organizations that work together to eliminate and prevent all forms of child labor through volunteering, fundraising and donating. Love 146, an international human rights NGO working to end child trafficking and exploitation, also provides many ways for people to help. Among many opportunities to help, Love 146 encourages people to get active and start a workout or host a 5k to help raise funds for their work.


To learn more about child labor and find more ways to take action, visit UNICEF’s page on global child labor.

Isabelle Durso

Isabelle is an undergraduate student at Boston University currently on campus in Boston. She is double majoring in Journalism and Film & Television, and she is interested in being a travel writer and writing human-interest stories around the world. Isabelle loves to explore and experience new cultures, and she hopes to share other people's stories through her writing. In the future, she intends to keep writing journalistic articles as well as creative screenplays.

By Refusing an Apology to Algeria, France Shows Colonialism is Far from Over

Algerian architecture reflects continued French influence post-decolonization. mariusz kluzniak. CC BY-NC-NC 2.0.

French President Emmanuel Macron announced on Jan. 20 that he has ruled out issuing an official apology to the country of Algeria for past colonial abuses. This follows 59 years of tense relations between the two nations after the conclusion of the Algerian War in 1962, which marked the end of official French colonialism in the North African country.

The announcement comes as a result of a highly anticipated report on the matter of French-Algerian relations commissioned by Macron in 2020. Rather than a formal apology, the report recommends a “memories and truth” commission to review French colonialism in Algeria. Macron committed to setting up the commission in a statement.

The French occupation of Algeria began with an invasion in 1830, and lasted up until 1962 with the end of the Algerian War, which led to independence. During the 132 years of colonial rule, the French committed a number of atrocities against Algerians, including the massacre of an estimated 500,000 to 1 million Algerians throughout the first three decades of conquest, the forced deportation of native Algerian groups and the use of systematic torture against Algerians during the country’s war for independence.

Since Algeria gained independence, the French government has largely remained silent in regard to the atrocities inflicted during the colonial era. In fact, Macron was the first French president to acknowledge the use of torture during the war for independence when he did so in 2018. Macron has since gone on to demand further accountability, including calls for all archives detailing the disappearance of Algerians during the war. However, the Jan. 20 announcement signals that an official apology remains out of the realm of possibilities for the time being.

Decolonization Efforts Remain a Global Necessity

Protesters marching in Philadelphia in support of Puerto Rican independence in 2018. Joe Piette. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

Macron’s announcement is the latest reminder of the continued stains of colonialism which remain in the 21st century. While many former colonial powers like France have largely dismantled their empires and relinquished control to local populations, colonialism and the occupation of Indgenous lands still persists to this day around the world.

Both France and the United Kingdom notably retain overseas territories which are remnants of the heights of their empires. France retains varying administrative control in 11 regions outside of Europe, with a combined population of nearly 2.8 million. Conversely, the British control 14 territories which do not form a part of the United Kingdom itself or its European crown dependencies, representing a combined population of approximately 250,000.

Colonialism, however, is by no means limited to European powers, nor is the process itself a relic of the past. The United States, a country whose foundation is rooted in settler colonialism, retains control over five inhabited territories spread across the Pacific and Atlantic oceans which have a combined population of just over 3.5 million, all of whom are ineligible to vote in federal elections. Likewise, Hawaii’s inclusion in the United States as a state is a result of colonialism in the region where the U.S. systematically undermined native rule throughout the 1800s. 

Japan, a country which saw the height of its empire come to an end during World War II, retains control over Hokkaido and Okinawa, two islands with distinct Indigenous populations which have both seen independence movements throughout their time with the country.

China is an example of contemporary colonialism: while not specifically setting up colonies in overseas regions, the country invests billions of dollars in projects to develop African nations on largely unfavorable terms, creates artificial islands in the South China Sea to exercise dominance in the region, and continues to squash independence movements in Tibet and Hong Kong.

While movements for independence, apologies and reparations exist to varying extents in all of these regions, the scars of colonialism persist to this day and remain a contemporary issue unlikely to be resolved in the near future.

Jacob Sutherland

Jacob is a recent graduate from the University of California San Diego where he majored in Political Science and minored in Spanish Language Studies. He previously served as the News Editor for The UCSD Guardian, and hopes to shed light on social justice issues in his work.

Students Call for a Democratic Revolution in Thailand

2020 seems to be the year when students across the globe take part in changing their societies, no matter the cost.

Student protesters. Prachatai. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

In Thailand, student-run organizations have led the march that grew to be an all-out revolution in the busy streets of Bangkok. Thousands of protesters have congregated in the crowded commercial center, Ratchaprasong, chanting for the Thai government to listen to their demands. Protesters call for the removal of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, the reduction of the monarchy’s budget so the king’s funds would be separated from crown assets, and the abolition of the strict lese majeste laws which ban the voicing of criticisms against the king. 

The unrest began in 2019 when the government banned the most vocal party opposing the power of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha. Thai citizens are calling for his removal due to the potentially corrupt manner in which he came to power. In 2014 it is said that Prayut staged a coup that shifted his position from army chief to prime minister. The monarchy endorsed his premiership in 2019, allowing him to stay in power after elections which were controversially deemed “fair.” 

The Grand Palace in Bangkok. Tom Eversley. CC0

The protests were put on hold through the early part of the year due to COVID-19, but are now growing at a rapid rate. In early October, the government accused protesters of obstructing Queen Suthida’s motorcade during a mass gathering at the Government House to demand the removal of Prayut. Despite the government’s imposition of emergency measures such as banning the gatherings of five or more people, forbidding the  publication of news that could “harm national security” and deploying 15,000 police officers to quell the protesters, tens of thousands continually show up to stand for their rights.

Woman waving the Thai flag. The Global Panorama. CC BY-SA 2.0

According to Human Rights Watch, the new emergency measures are allowing officials to keep protesters for up to 30 days without bail or access to lawyers and family members. Human Rights Watch’s deputy director of the Asia Division, Phil Robertson, stated that, “Rights to freedom of speech and holding peaceful public assemblies are on the chopping block from a government that is now showing its truly dictatorial nature.”

University students seem to be at the core of the current demonstrations. The Free Youth Movement was behind the first major protest back in July, inspiring a group from Thammasat University to establish the United Front of Thammasat. Even high school students have joined the fray, identifying as the Bad Student Movement, as they call for education reform. Most of these kids are in their twenties, but they have attracted the attention and support of human rights leaders and lawyers like Arnon Nampa, who was arrested in October along with prominent youth leaders. 

Student protesters. Prachatai. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Panupon Jadnok, a teenage protest leader, led a passionate speech during a rally: 

“Like dogs cornered, we are fighting till our deaths. We won't fall back. We won't run away. We won't go anywhere.”

Raising their hands in the iconic three-finger salute made popular by ”The Hunger Games,” protesters are shouting in the streets for the police to “release [their] friends” and to stop being “slaves of dictatorship.” They will continue to fight for what they believe is right until all of their demands have been met and their friends and country are free.

 

Yuliana Rocio

is currently a Literature/Writing major at the University of California San Diego. Yuliana likes to think of herself as a lover of words and a student of the world. She loves to read, swim, and paint in her free time. She spent her youth as part of a travel-loving family and has grown up seeking adventure. She hopes to develop her writing skills, creating work that reflects her voice and her fierce passion for activism.

Myanmar Government Blocks Website Exposing Military Corruption 

The website for Justice for Myanmar, which is dedicated to exposing military corruption, was blocked by the country’s government for spreading fake news. Over 200 websites have been blocked in the past year.

Screenshot of the Justice for Myanmar homepage.

On Aug. 27, all mobile operators and service providers in Myanmar received a directive from the government to block the Justice for Myanmar website for purportedly spreading fake news. Justice for Myanmar was launched on April 28 by an anonymous group of activists aiming to expose military corruption and advocate for federal democracy and peace. Campaigning for Myanmar’s Nov. 8 general elections began a week after the shutdown, raising concerns that the government was attempting to silence scrutiny and criticism of the elections. 

In May, Justice for Myanmar exposed that two top government officials were also directors of Myanmar Economic Holdings Company Limited, a military-owned company, leading to both officials’ resignations from its board. More recently, Justice for Myanmar revealed that a construction company under contract for the government has ties to Lt. Gen. Soe Htut. The site also published allegations that a medical company offering Food and Drug Administration approvals is owned by the family of Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing. 

The military controlled Myanmar for decades, until it was replaced by a civilian government in 2011. The current government is headed by Aung San Suu Kyi of the National League for Democracy (NLD), who serves as State Counsellor. She led the NLD to victory in 2015 during Myanmar’s first openly contested election in 25 years. Despite having a democratic ruler, Myanmar is not free from military rule. A 2008 constitutional provision still guarantees the military seats in parliament. One-quarter of parliamentary seats are held by the military, which also controls the country’s defense, border affairs and home affairs ministries.

Aung San Suu Kyi, once regarded as a prime example of a democratic leader, has been the target of international criticism in recent years for her handling of the Rohingya crisis and her persecution of media and activist groups. 

In the past year, Aung San Suu Kyi’s government has blocked over 200 websites for allegedly spreading fake news, using Section 77 of the Telecommunications Law. The section allows action to stop the spread of misinformation. Myanmar’s government received criticism earlier this year for limiting press freedom and the flow of information during the pandemic by blocking news sites. The government also imposed an internet blackout in nine townships in the Rakhine and Chin states and in April 2020 ordered a mass blocking of the websites of ethnic media organizations. These actions, as well as the shutdown of the Justice for Myanmar website just a week before campaigning for the general elections began, have been causes for concern from the media, community organizations and rights groups. 

Yadanar Maung, a Justice for Myanmar spokesperson, said in a recent press release that the group condemns “the Myanmar government’s attack on our right to freedom of expression and the people of Myanmar's right to information.” Telenor Myanmar, one of the service providers that received the directive to block the Justice for Myanmar site, has opened communication with the government to protest the blocking. A statement on Telenor Myanmar’s website urges the government “to increase transparency for the public” and asserts that the government’s directive does not respect the rights to freedom of expression or access to information. 

Many groups and individuals, including James Rodehaver of the U.N. Human Rights Office, have called for reform of the Telecommunications Law.

Rachel Lynch

is a student at Sarah Lawrence College in Bronxville, NY currently taking a semester off. She plans to study Writing and Child Development. Rachel loves to travel and is inspired by the places she’s been and everywhere she wants to go. She hopes to educate people on social justice issues and the history and culture of travel destinations through her writing.

Academic Freedom: Repressive Government Measures Taken Against Universities in More Than 60 Countries

Universities around the world are increasingly under threat from governments restricting their ability to teach and research freely. Higher education institutions are being targeted because they are the home of critical inquiry and the free exchange of ideas. And governments want to control universities out of fear that allowing them to operate freely might ultimately limit governmental power to operate without scrutiny.

My recent report, co-authored with researcher Aron Suba for the International Centre for Not-for-Profit Law, has found evidence of restrictive and repressive government measures against universities and other higher education institutions in more than 60 countries.

This includes government interference in leadership and governance structures to effectively create state-run institutions that are particularly vulnerable to government actions. It also includes the criminalisation of academics for their work as well as the militarisation and securitisation of campuses through the presence of armed forces or surveillance by security services. We also found evidence that students have been prevented from attending university because of their parents’ political beliefs, while others have been expelled or even imprisoned for expressing their own opinions.

Some of the more shocking examples of repressive practices have been widely publicised, such as the firing of thousands of academics and jailing of others in Turkey. But much of what is happening is at an “administrative” level – against individual institutions or the entire higher education system.

There are examples of governments that restrict access to libraries and research materials, censor books and prevent the publication of research on certain topics. Governments have also stopped academics travelling to meet peers, and interfered with curricula and courses. And our research also found governments have even interfered in student admissions, scholarships and grades.

Repression, intimidation

Hungary provides a particularly glaring recent example of government interference with university autonomy. The politicised targeting of the institution I work at –- Central European University –- has been well documented. But the government has also recently acted against academic life in the country more broadly. It has effectively prohibited the teaching of a course (gender studies) and taken control of the well-regarded Hungarian Academy of Social Sciences.

What makes the Hungarian example especially disturbing is that it is happening within the European Union – with seemingly no consequences for the government. This is despite the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights which states that: “The arts and scientific research shall be free of constraint. Academic freedom shall be respected.” Meanwhile the Hungarian government still has all the privileges of being an EU member state, which includes receiving large sums of EU money.

Public demonstration in front of the Hungarian Academy of Science building against the removal of the Academy Science Research Institute’s autonomy. Istvan Balogh/Shutterstock

The inexplicable failure by the EU to enforce its own standards is particularly troubling and helps to normalise this behaviour. Indeed, there are clear signs such repressive practices are spreading. Anti-human rights legislation, policy and practice that begins in one country is frequently copied in another. Anti-civil society legislation recently adopted in Hungary and Israel, for example, which aims to stop protests and minimise the number of organisations receiving funds from abroad, was previously adopted in Russia.

Repressive practices against universities are starting to spread in Europe. Earlier this year it was reported that the Ministry of Justice in Poland planned to sue a group of criminal law academics for their opinion on a new criminal law bill.

Academics in distress

The freedom of academics and university autonomy is not entirely without scrutiny. There are some excellent organisations, such as Scholars At Risk and the European University Association who actively monitor this sector. But, at an international level, university autonomy is rarely raised when governments’ human rights records are being examined. And there is no single organisation devoted to monitoring the range of issues identified in our recent report.

Without proper monitoring, universities, academics and students are even more vulnerable because there is little attention paid to these issues. And there is little pressure on governments not to undertake repressive measures at will.

Thousands demonstrate in central Budapest against higher education legislation seen as targeting the Central European University. Drone Media Studio/Shutterstock

A global monitoring framework is needed, underpinned by a clear definition of university autonomy. The UN and EU institutions also need to pay more attention to the dangers that such attacks on universities pose to democracy and human rights. A stronger line against governments who are acting in violation of existing standards should also be taken.

Universities should be autonomous in their operations and exercise self-governance. These institutions are crucial to the healthy functioning of democratic societies. Yet academic spaces are closing in countries around the world. This should be a concern for all. The time for action is now, before this trend becomes the new norm.

Kirsten Roberts Lyer is a Associate Professor of Practice, Acting Director Shattuck Centre, Central European University.

THIS ARTICLE WAS ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED ON THE CONVERSATION

Saudi Women Protesting Driving Ban Remain Jailed, Details of Trial Unclear

In 2017, the driving ban was lifted for Saudi women. However, the women who vocally protested the ban have been jailed, subjected months of torture and unable to communicate with their families.

Lina Al-Hathloul speaking about the imprisonment of her sister, Loujain. POMED. CC BY 2.0

June 24th, 2018 marked the first day women in Saudi Arabia could legally obtain drivers licenses, following an announcement by King Salman in September that women driving would be considered acceptable under sharia law. By March of 2019, more than 70,000 Saudi women had received a license. Under the interpretation of sharia law enforced by the Saudi government, women are effectively minors, subject to guardianship by their fathers, husbands, or even their sons should their husbands pass away or become otherwise unable to fulfill the role of guardian. Women must receive permission to enroll in school, open bank accounts, sign contracts, or acquire a passport, to name a few of the many restrictions women face under guardianship laws.

Regarding the announcement of the end of the driving ban, Eman al-Nafjan writes in her blog, “Initially I was overwhelmed with my own powerlessness as a woman living in a patriarchal absolute monarchy. Were our efforts the reason the ban was lifted? Or was it a decision that had been made regardless of our struggles?” Dr. al-Nafjan is one of eleven women who was detained, subject to torture, solitary confinement, and threats of rape and death—more than once by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman himself—in 2018 as a result of their protests against the ban. The protests against the driving ban began in 1990, and have lead to the arrest, imprisonment, and severe punishment of many individuals. Of the eleven arrested in May-June 2018, some were released on bail. Al-Nafjan, as well as two other women, Loujain al-Hathloul and Nouf Abdulaziz, have borne the brunt of cruelty at the hands of the Saudi government, and as a result have received the most media attention. Their trials began in late March of 2019, however little is known of their current situation.

Nouf Abdulaziz, one of the women held in prison, writes in a letter sent during her detainment: “Hello my name is Nouf, and I am not a provoker, inciter nor a wrecker, nor a terrorist, nor a criminal nor a traitor.” The women imprisoned have sought justice for their fellow women, and we must honor their work by seeking justice on their behalf. There exists a clear duplicity in the West’s reaction to these human rights violations: although outwardly supportive of human rights, the U.S., France, and the U.K. have been complicit in the Saudi regime’s actions by maintaining close economic and security ties with Saudi Arabia. At the end of her letter, Abdulaziz implores her readers: “if what is happening does not please you, help our people to see clearly that our sister in the homeland is mistreated and she does not deserve other than her freedom, to maintain her dignity and to have the warmth in her parents [sic] arms, that has been taken away from her.” Many human rights organizations have spoken up on behalf of these activists, and Abdulzaziz, al-Hathloul, and al-Nafjan were awarded the 2019 PEN Freedom to Write Award for their work. 

In this vein, Amnesty International marked May 2018-May 2019 a “year of shame for Saudi Arabia” due especially to its treatment of women’s rights activists and the assassination of Jamal Khashoggi, a dissident Saudi journalist. Although Crown Prince Salman, accepting the position of Crown Prince in 2017, labeled himself a reformer, he immediately launched a campaign to repress dissenters of the regime. In this way, the worries expressed by Nafjan were prescient: the Saudi government lifted the driving ban in an effort to improve international opinion, as well as increase the number of women working in Saudi Arabia’s flagging private sector, not with genuine progressive intent. Those who most vehemently spoke up for the rights of women were made examples of for other dissenters. While ultimately a victory for the greater female Saudi population, the patriarchal regime insisted upon a last word—in the form of human rights violations against the very women who created the momentum for the lifting of the ban. 

HALLIE GRIFFITHS is an undergraduate at the University of Virginia studying Foreign Affairs and Spanish. After graduation, she hopes to apply her passion for travel and social action toward a career in intelligence and policy analysis. Outside of the classroom, she can be found, quite literally, outside: backpacking, rock climbing, or skiing with her friends.

Chile Protests Escalate as Widespread Dissatisfaction Shakes Foundations of Country’s Economic Success Story

Chile’s capital city Santiago appears dynamic and bustling, complete with gleaming skyscrapers and a modern metro network. Against the backdrop of the snow-topped Andes mountains, the Costanera Tower – South America’s tallest building – symbolises the country’s open neoliberal economy and mass consumption society. 

But protests have rocked the country, challenging this image of stability and prosperity.

Following a government proposal to increase the price of metro tickets, students began to dodge metro fares in protest on October 14, jumping the turnstiles en masse and setting metro stations on fire. The protests soon spread within Santiago and to other Chilean cities, leading President Sebastian Piñera to declare a state of emergency and daily curfews on October 18. This legislation, which dates from the dictatorship era of the 1970s and 80s, allows the military to patrol the streets. 

But the move has led to an escalation of the protests, as thousands of Chileans disobeyed the curfews by marching peacefully against government policy and violent repression on a daily basis, calling for Piñera to resign.

The images of soldiers and tanks on the streets, dispersing protesters with water cannon, tear gas, and physical violence, recall the images of military repression during the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet between 1973 and 1990. The economic and ideological legacies of the Pinochet era as well as the nature of Chile’s transition to democracy are key to understanding the reasons for the protests. The anger of those on the streets is as much a reflection of the country’s high inequality as it is of these unresolved legacies.

Much of the media coverage of the protests has focused on the spectacle of looting, vandalism, and soldiers beating the protesters. Since the protests started, 18 people have died and there have been 3,000 arrests. But there are wider causes behind these events. The protests emerged in the middle of growing dissatisfaction with high levels of inequality and a high cost of living. 

Income inequality has not improved in Chile since the days of the military dictatorship. World Inequality Database

On the surface, Chile looks like an economic and political success story, as the country’s GDP growth has outpaced that of Latin America as a whole in recent years, but many Chileans are struggling. The metro fares have come to symbolise what they feel is the unjust distribution of income and social spending. 

Legacy of Pinochet era

Like the state of emergency, Chile’s social and economic policies also date from the dictatorship. Neoliberal reforms were introduced in the mid-1970s by Pinochet and his team of American-trained economists, known as the “Chicago Boys”. The reforms took place in the context of violent repression. Official investigations showed that 3,065 people were murdered by state agents during the dictatorship, 40,000 tortured, and hundreds of thousands forced into exile.

The 1970s reforms included the elimination of subsidies, welfare reform, and the privatisation of state-owned companies, the health sector, education and pensions. Pinochet’s reforms led to high levels of unemployment, declining real wages, and expensive social services, such as education. The impact is clear today in education, characterised by low levels of public spending and highly unequal access to good-quality schools and universities. Between 2011 and 2013 students organised mass demonstrations against Chile’s education policies, and dissatisfaction remains.

Chile turned from a military to a civilian government in 1990, following the 1988 referendum in which Pinochet was defeated. But due to the nature of the transition, social and economic policies changed very little. Pinochet negotiated his departure in such a way that the armed forces kept control of the political process, including his own appointment as a lifelong senator. The 1980 military constitution – which is still in place today – has allowed Piñera to declare the controversial state of emergency to deal with the protests. Although some of the military control structures have been dismantled since Pinochet’s death in 2006, the civilian governments on the right and the left have had a limited appetite to address the country’s inequalities.

Anger on the streets of Santiago. Fernando Bizerra Jr/EPA

In response to the protests, on October 22 Piñera suspended the planned fare increases and announced a spending package of reforms to address the protestors’ concerns. The fact that Chileans continue to protest around the country shows that many people feel these measures are too little, too late. 

Given the long historical roots of the inequalities, it’s unlikely that one-off extra spending can address the country’s structural problems. Even if the government’s intention has been to de-escalate the situation, its hardline response to the protests signals growing polarisation rather than a quick resolution to the issues.

Marieke Riethof is a Senior Lecturer in Latin American Politics, University of Liverpool

THIS ARTICLE WAS ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED ON THE CONVERSATION

Escalations in Violence in Hong Kong Could Prove Perilous to Human Rights

“A protestor wearing a Guy Fawkes mask in October 2019.” Honcques Laus. CC0.

Demonstrators have seemed to reach a stalemate against the government of Hong Kong, which refuses to accede to the demands of the protesters. Given the rapid escalations in violence and the willingness of the police to employ excessive force, a stalemate could have serious consequences for the state of human rights in Hong Kong.

Protests in Hong Kong began in late April 2019, in reaction to the raising of an extradition bill, which would have permitted the extradition of citizens of Hong Kong to mainland China. Pro-democracy protesters see the extradition bill as a significant acquiescence of Hong Konger’s sovereignty to mainland China, as Hong Kong remains a territory not technically under the direct purview of the Chinese government. The specific worry is that Beijing would use the extradition bill to suppress the growing pro-democracy sentiment among younger generations of Hong-Kongers by demanding that Hong Kong hand over its activists and successful con-China politicians. They represent a movement that has been developing since the late 1990s, focused on maintaining Hong Kong’s distance in relation to the Central People’s Republic in Beijing, with the eventual aim of bringing fully-democratic elections to Hong Kong. 

Presently, the citizens of Hong Kong are allowed free speech and rights to free assembly and association, as outlined in the Basic Law. The government and election structure of Hong Kong is quasi-representative. There are 1,200 electors who ostensibly select officials: representatives of various economic sectors, business interests, and the affluent of Hong Kong. However, the central mainland government exercises a great deal of control over the political proceedings of Hong Kong; the incumbent Chief Executive Carrie Lam was openly favored by China’s President, Xi Jinping. While the extradition bill was removed from the table following the outbreak of protests, the potential for democracy in Hong Kong seems to hang in the balance, as demonstrated in Executive Lam’s unwillingness to accede to the demands of the protesters, and in Beijing’s continued support for Lam. 

The protestors have issued a list of demands beyond the reneging of the proposed extradition bill, repealed in September, that includes investigation into police actions as well as amnesty for protesters in custody, complete universal suffrage, and Lam’s withdrawal from her post as Chief Executive of Hong Kong. The government of Hong Kong has issued a hardline stance, supported explicitly by Xi Jinping and the Central People’s Republic. In her refusal to acquiesce to demands, Lam pushes the protests in Hong Kong towards a path of greater uncertainty; given the perseverance demonstrated by the protesters, it seems that the situation will only continue to escalate. 

Consequently, the first weeks of November have seen significant escalations in the protests in Hong Kong: on November 7th, a university student died after he fell from the top of a parking deck during a skirmish with the police. Monday November 11th saw major instances of violence, in which a police officer shot a protester at close range, and a pro-China counter-protester was set on fire by a group of demonstrators. Protesters and police alike have exhibited violent tactics since the inception of the protests. Police have not shied away from tear gas and rubber bullets, as well as employing excessive physical force towards protesters and members of the press. Demonstrators have also used tactics such as vandalism and violence against those believed to be pro-China. 

However, equating police violence with the actions of the protesters carries dangerous human rights implications; the police act from a privileged position because of the backing they receive from both the government of Hong Kong as well as that of mainland China. The protesters have only the solidarity they experience among one another. Violence by protesters is the impetus of an individual working in conjunction with other individuals; excessive force against protesters by the police is a hit by the state in its entirety. 

In this way, escalating patterns of police violence prove pernicious, because they undermine the human rights of Hong Kongers, and breed complications for a hypothetical future peace process. Instances of excessive violence towards the press prove especially destabilizing, because the suppression of information perpetuates the murkiness that allows the police to continue to carry out extreme, and in many cases illegal acts of retribution against demonstrators. As it stands, the violence in Hong Kong will only continue its escalation should the government of Hong Kong maintain its staunch refusal of concessions. A stalemate could have alarming consequences for the state of human rights in Hong Kong, as the police have already turned to violent tactics involving excessive uses of force, and the demonstrators have, in turn, only increased their fervor in furthering their demands.

HALLIE GRIFFITHS is an undergraduate at the University of Virginia studying Foreign Affairs and Spanish. After graduation, she hopes to apply her passion for travel and social action toward a career in intelligence and policy analysis. Outside of the classroom, she can be found, quite literally, outside: backpacking, rock climbing, or skiing with her friends.