The Decriminalization of Illicit Drugs in British Columbia

Canada has announced their plans to decriminalize small amounts of illicit drugs in British Columbia by January of 2023. They are hopeful this will lower high rates of overdoses.

Graffiti about drug decriminalization. Ted’s Photos. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

In British Columbia, Canada, where thousands of overdose deaths occur each year, officials have decided to try decriminalizing small amounts of illicit drugs. The illicit drugs in question include heroin, cocaine, opioids, methamphetamine and more. Residents of British Columbia 18 years or older will be allowed to possess a maximum of 2.5 grams of these drugs without penalty, a policy that will take effect in January of 2023. This policy comes from an exemption from the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act that makes these drugs illicit, which was granted to British Columbia for a three-year trial run.

Officials hope that by decriminalizing small amounts of these drugs, dependent users will feel less afraid of prosecution and stigmatization if they do decide to seek drug-related help. Further, by tackling rates of drug deaths as a public health issue, BC Government News says “the Province will create new pathways to support those seeking treatment.”

Since the height of the pandemic in 2020, British Columbia has struggled with high rates of illicit drug abuse and overdose deaths. In 2020, drug-related death rates rose into the two-thousands, a problem that since 2016 had been declared a public health crisis. Most of these deaths occur when drug users hide their addiction from friends and family, fearing the reaction or stigmatization that will come from their loved ones learning of their addiction.

By decriminalizing these drugs, Canada hopes to reverse this effect; Dr. Theresa Tam, Canada’s chief public health officer, wrote in a tweet: “Stigma and fear of criminalization cause some people to hide their drug use, use alone, or use in ways that increase the risk of harm. This is why the Government of Canada treats substance use as a health issue, not a criminal one.”

Street use in Vancouver. Ted’s Photos. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

The exemption to be instituted in 2023 has found support from family and friends of deceased drug users and was even supported by the police associations and chief coroner. Though some call for even further decriminalization – a policy that would expand the 2.5 gram limit to larger amounts – health officials in Canada believe 2.5 grams is a good trial starting point. Harm reduction is their main goal; British Columbia’s Provincial Health Official Dr. Bonnie Henry stated, “This is not one single thing that will reverse this crisis but it will make a difference.”

In requesting an exemption from the Controlled Drug and Substances Act, British Columbia also stated that drug-related felonies and arrests disproportionately affect already marginalized communities. In decriminalizing small amounts of drugs, the authorities will reduce  punitive actions and may help to decrease the stigmas around drug use that cause people to hide their addictions. 

Turning Point of Tampa has also stated that experts on drug incarceration have stated that imprisonment does not deter drug use, and problems such as substance abuse, mental health issues and fear of open drug use worsen when sentenced to prison time. Peer clinical adviser Guy Felicella told the New York Times, “Arresting me and incarcerating me for all those years for using drugs never stopped me once from using drugs — even when I went to prison. It didn’t do anything except create stigma and discrimination, shame,” which is the exact thing Canada is trying to end through decriminalization.

Hoping to reduce the stigma surrounding drug use that leads to deaths due to fear of judgment and sequentially more dangerous usage, Canada is waiting to see how this exemption in 2023 will reduce rates of drug-related deaths, and whether further decriminalization is needed. 

To Get Involved:

The Canadian Drug Policy Coalition (CDPC) is an advocacy organization that is fighting against the harm caused by drug prohibition laws. Campaigning with a platform centered on decriminalization, the Coalition strives to reduce the high rates of drug overdose deaths in Canada. To learn more about the CDPC’s mission and to support their work, click here.

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Ava Mamary

Ava is an undergraduate student at the University of Illinois, double majoring in English and Communications. At school, she Web Writes about music for a student-run radio station. She is also an avid backpacker, which is where her passion for travel and the outdoors comes from. She is very passionate about social justice issues, specifically those involving women’s rights, and is excited to write content about social action across the globe. 

Iran’s Shoddy ‘Satellite Cities’ Test Citizens’ Patience

Thanks to high rent prices and overpopulation, thousands of Iranians have been forced out of their hometowns. But the “satellite cities” built to hold them leave much to be desired. 

An aerial view of Tehran, Iran. Hansueli Krapf. CC BY-SA 3.0

In the 1980s, Iran intentionally tried to grow its own population, aiming to increase its military strength amid the Iran-Iraq war. The 1979 Islamic Revolution had seen Iran’s old monarchy overthrown and a new republic built on Shiite Islam take shape. Student groups and leftist organizations rejoiced at the new rights promised to women; Islamist groups lauded the fact that their country was now a theocracy. But the new government wanted to ensure that the ideas of the revolution would last beyond one generation. So it encouraged polygamy, made birth control nearly impossible to find and lowered the age of marriage to 9 for girls and 15 for boys.

The plan worked—Iran’s population grew enormously. Forty years after the revolution, there are almost 50 million more people living in Iran. But these newcomers are not a new generation of happy, loyal citizens. They are people who the nation was not built to hold. 

Overpopulation was not something Iran was completely unprepared for. Soon after the revolution, 17 new “satellite cities” were planned on the outskirts of the country's major cities. They had names like Pardis (“paradise” in Persian) and Parand ("silk"). They were to provide affordable places to live for people that the larger cities could not hold. But as Iran struggled with unrest and war, these cities wouldn’t begin to be built for decades. They remain half-finished even today.

The Mehr housing project in Nishapur, Iran. Sonia Sevilla. CC BY 1.0

In 2007, the Iranian government developed a scheme it hoped would solve the overpopulation problem and make the satellite cities more livable: contract out free land to real estate developers who were willing to build low-income housing units. In this way around 2 million homes were planned to be built throughout Iran. But the Mehr housing project, as it was called, failed to deliver in the cities that needed housing the most. The 400,000 units built were poorly constructed and lacked essential utilities, like plumbing and clean water. The sterile white color that all the high-rises were painted with in Pardis says it all. These buildings didn’t seem like they were meant to be lived in, only passed through. 

But the satellite cities are indeed lived in. In recent years, the overpopulation that plagues Iran’s largest cities has only gotten worse. The Financial Times reported in 2017 that the population of Tehran, Iran’s capital and largest city, “exceeds the optimum level by more than 70%.” The air is full of pollution, and the city’s roads are packed with traffic. But the last straw for many Tehranis is the cost of housing, which according to the New Yorker has more than doubled in the last three years. U.S. sanctions have contributed to this, as did former President Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw from the Iran nuclear deal. With nowhere else to go, droves of Iranians have moved to the satellite cities, where houses are cheaper. In 2019, the population of Parand was 100,000; a year later, that number had doubled.

The unfinished cities have been unable to provide jobs for their populations. Most of the people who make up Pardis must commute each day to work in Tehran. And, as the city lacks most forms of public transport, this means driving—sometimes up to three hours each way. The cities lack recreational areas, stores and the capabilities to provide health care and schooling to their growing populations. It’s no surprise that drug abuse and suicides are common in the cities.

Real estate prices remain high in congested Tehran, and more and more people are expected to leave. The people who make up these satellite cities, despite the lack of basic amenities, are grateful that they have a place to go at all. The Mehr housing project is not finished, and it is possible that in five years the livability of Tehran’s satellite cities will improve. But it is up to the Iranian government to ensure that these improvements do happen, and soon. The well-being of many Iranians depends on it.

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Finn Hartnett

Finn grew up in New York City and is now a first-year at the University of Chicago. In addition to writing for Catalyst, he serves as a reporter for the Chicago Maroon. He spends his free time watching soccer and petting his cat.

Middle Eastern Countries Combat Stigma Surrounding Mental Health

While the stigmatization of mental health issues is common worldwide, sociocultural factors specific to the Middle East often prevent individuals from seeking treatment.

A drawing depicting mental health issues. Pixabay.

Mental health services are more urgently needed now than ever before. The world is currently facing a mental health epidemic, with over 264 million people struggling with depression in 2019. The additional stress and uncertainty caused by the COVID-19 pandemic have caused anxiety and depression levels to skyrocket. For many individuals, it has become even harder to participate in counseling programs. According to the World Economic Forum, over 93% of countries have reported a disruption in their mental health services since the pandemic started. 

In the Middle East, mental health awareness continues to rise, especially in the Gulf countries among the nations’ youth. A recent poll conducted in the Gulf region reported that 62% of youth agree that mental health issues are important. Even so, a recent survey in Saudi Arabia revealed that 80% of people struggling with severe mental health issues do not seek treatment. Similarly, this year’s Arab Youth Survey, which interviewed 4,000 young adults ages 18-24 from 17 Arab countries, revealed that mental health issues are rampant, with the number of people affected continuing to rise. 

Difficulties in Obtaining Proper Mental Health Care

The Kaaba in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, the holiest site in Islam. Konevi, Pixabay.

A prevalent culture of stigmatization in Middle Eastern countries prevents many individuals from seeking treatment in the first place. Due to the shame associated with mental health issues, privacy between the client and their mental health professional is of utmost concern. In many cases, mental health issues place a burden on a family’s reputation and social status. Rania Raine, a 43-year-old British-Egyptian art teacher who struggles with mental health, states that, “It’s the ‘shame’ families have, that their child isn’t perfect, that their lives are not perfect and what will people say, what will the neighbors say, society say–and then it all leads to marriage, how no one will marry the child who has a mental health condition, or worse still, ruin the chances of marriage of the other siblings.” 

Although the stigmatization of mental health conditions is common in Muslim communities, Ph.D. researcher Mounira al-Dousari states that they are “reflections of cultural practices and discourse.” There is a growing movement among mental health professionals to include faith in therapy, which results in a faster recovery for some clients. It’s also important to note that many forms of therapy use predominantly Western practices, which need to be diversified to appeal to a larger audience. According to Dousari, “When it comes to Islam, Muslim scholars and those working in the mental health field are working harder than ever to establish well-structured Islamically integrated psychotherapy models.”

Additionally, the financial burdens of seeking mental health treatment raise another concern. Even though mental health care is free in some public hospitals, many people do not trust them due to privacy concerns. Prices for private mental health care sessions are quite expensive. For example, Dousari’s research sessions cost $225 an hour, a large sum even for well-off families. 

Historic Treatment of Mental Illness in the Middle East

An entrance to the Moristan of Kala’oon, a mental health hospital in Egypt, 1878. Werner. CC2.5

Although mental health remains a prevalent issue in the region, the Middle East was well known for mental health treatment during the Islamic Golden Age. The term bimaristan, Persian for “home for the sick,” refers to entire psychiatric hospitals where a patient’s mind, body and soul were considered part of the treatment process. First opened in Fez, Morocco, and in Baghdad in the eighth century and later in Cairo, Damascus and Aleppo in the ninth, the practice was initially introduced by physician Ahmed ibn Sahl al-Balkhi. A famous manuscript written by Balkhi called “Sustenance for Bodies and Souls” was written in clear, understandable language and helped make mental health education more accessible to the public. Unfortunately, the practice declined throughout the centuries and does not occur in the mainstream today. 

Additionally, Dr. Mamoun Mobayed, director of the treatment and rehabilitation department at Behavioral Healthcare Center in Qatar, emphasizes that the stigmatization of diseases is a global phenomenon. “Any disease thought to be infectious or bizarre-looking, like leprosy, has always been stigmatized. Even with COVID-19, there have been cases where paramedics working with COVID-19 patients have been avoided due to the fear and stigma attached to the virus.”

In recent years, mental health awareness in the Middle East has become a top priority, with many countries starting their own wellness initiatives and campaigns. 

Qatar Paves the Way in the Gulf

Sidra Medical and Research Center in Qatar. Sergeev. CC3.0

Qatar launched a new mental health program in conjunction with World Mental Health Day. Being the first country in the Gulf to start such an initiative, the Wellness Ambassadors program aims “to promote mental health support and break the stigma attached to mental health conditions at school level.” Program ambassadors received comprehensive training on mental health issues such as anxiety, depression and bullying while breaking cultural misconceptions surrounding mental health. Dr. Mobayed states that educating individuals about mental health issues serves “to remove the barriers associated with mental health and know they are normal humans with a disorder in the mind.” 

Turkish Counseling Services Provide Assistance

Taksim Square in Istanbul. Pixabay.

A crisis helpline in Turkey helps those struggling with mental health issues during the pandemic. Supported by the World Health Organization, the service is accessible in all of Turkey’s 81 provinces and consists of 418 staff members trained in helping individuals manage stress and access mental health resources. So far, the service has offered more than 80,000 consultations since its inception. 

Social Media Campaigns in Kuwait Lead to Legislative Action

Youth in Kuwait. Wikimedia Commons. CC2.0

Kuwait enacted its first mental health law in 2019, which passed unanimously through the national assembly. Instrumental to this success were numerous social media campaigns led by youth, artists and mental health advocates. The founder of ASAP Beauty, Sheika Majda al-Sabah, credits her involvement in the campaign to her own struggles with depression. Other campaigns include “Mind Me”, “Human Line Organization” and “Taqabal”, with trending hashtags such as #noshame working to spread awareness. Outreach events helped to create a welcoming climate where people could speak more openly and denounce negative stereotypes surrounding mental illness. Since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, an online program called Corona Care provides mental health services for those in need. Additionally, the Gulf Program for Mental Health encourages countries to develop comprehensive mental health programs that adhere to international standards. 

Although there is still work needed to break down barriers surrounding mental health treatment, Middle Eastern countries seem ready to rise to the challenge. 

To Get Involved: 

Check out social media campaign pages “Mind Me”, “Human Line Organization” and “Taqabal” working toward mental health awareness in Kuwait. Visit the website of the Institute for Muslim Mental Health, which focuses on providing support for Muslims in the United States. The Journal of Muslim Mental Health is an excellent resource to learn about issues affecting the Muslim community in the United States and globally. 

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Megan Gürer

Megan is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

Nonprofits Reach Syrian Refugee Children Through Education

As the Syrian refugee crisis enters its 10th year, children continue to suffer from mass displacement and a lack of educational opportunities. 

Syrian primary schoolchildren. DFID. CC2.0

The Syrian refugee crisis is considered by many to be the most urgent humanitarian crisis of the decade. Since 2011, the conflict has displaced 11 million people through the destruction of countless homes, hospitals, schools and public buildings. An equally large number of Syrians require humanitarian assistance, over half of them being children. Many of these young children lack safe spaces to play, face childhood neglect and have witnessed horrific violence in their lives. Numerous children are at risk of developing toxic stress, which is a biological response that impedes growth and development when humans have experienced too much hardship. 

However, with hardship also comes hope. Reaching children early and providing educational opportunities have been shown to alleviate toxic stress, allowing children to live productive and happy lives. However, educational resources for Syrian refugee children remain in short supply. Despite its importance in providing children a brighter and more stable future, education efforts only receive 3% of humanitarian aid annually. Additionally, many humanitarian organizations do not provide adequate educational resources for children to increase school enrollment. 

Students in Syria start to drop out at the age of 12, when they are in secondary school. A study conducted on Syrian refugee children in Jordan showed that only 25% of students are enrolled in secondary school, citing a lack of safe transportation, limited educational resources available, poverty and limited professional opportunities as contributing factors. Children who drop out of school are at increased risk of experiencing hardship in their lives, including living in poverty, being subjected to child marriage and facing sexual violence. Adequate educational resources and child support are essential to help provide resilience and much-needed support for Syrian refugee children. Some nonprofit organizations are aiming to do just that.

Making a Difference in Syrian Refugee Children’s Lives

Syrian refugee children at a school in Lebanon. DFID. CC2.0

A new educational program developed by the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and Sesame Workshop aims to provide adequate educational resources for Syrian refugee children. Called Ahlan Simsim, which translates to “Welcome Sesame” in Arabic, the program aims to combine the IRC’s experience working in conflict zones with the TV show “Sesame Street,” which is known for its educational and nurturing effects on children. Program resources include safe spaces for young children to play, an Arabic-language version of ”Sesame Street,” parenting resources for caregivers, and partnerships with nonprofits and local governments to ensure child access to education. In light of COVID-19, educational programming takes place through WhatsApp and online video. 

Ahlan Simsim provides children with skills in literacy and numeracy while helping them develop emotional resilience. For example, the program will teach students how to deal with difficult situations, understand their feelings and empathize with others. The program is a winner of the MacArthur Foundation’s 100&Change grant competition and is among the most ambitious early childhood development programs ever attempted by the humanitarian system. According to Sherrie Westin, executive vice president for global impact and philanthropy at Sesame Workshop, “The issue we are addressing is the greatest humanitarian crisis of our time. We know we can make a difference in the long term if we reach children early. Without that, there’s an entire generation at risk, and that has repercussions not just for their future, but for a more peaceful, stable world for all children.”

To Get Involved: 

Check out this link to the International Rescue Committee’s webpage to learn more about the Ahlan Simsim initiative.

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Megan Gürer

is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

Rising Tensions in Ethiopia’s Tigray Region Pose Dangers for Millions

The East African country has recently been overrun by natural disasters, COVID-19 and internal violence.

A refugee camp in Ethiopia. Oberhaus. CC2.0

Rising tensions in northern Ethiopia’s Tigray region pose a severe threat for the East African country and for stability across the Horn of Africa. Most urgently, the fighting places millions of people in danger and in dire need of humanitarian assistance.  

Map of Ethiopia’s regions, with Tigray in the far north. Jfblanc. CC4.0

An Overview of the Conflict in Tigray

Ethiopia, the largest and most populous country in the Horn of Africa region, is home to many different religions, languages and ethnic groups. The recent fighting is taking place in Tigray, Ethiopia’s northernmost region along the border with Eritrea. The conflict is between Ethiopia’s central government led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The TPLF came to power in 1991 and established a coalition where Ethiopia was divided into 10 distinct regions that each had political autonomy, allowing the TPLF to become a key player in Ethiopian politics. The TPLF remained in power for 27 years until rising concerns of political corruption and human rights abuses resulted in nationwide protests. As a result, Abiy Ahmed was elected the prime minister of Ethiopia in 2018 and began to reduce the TPLF’s power. While Ahmed advocates for a strong federal government that unites all Ethiopians regardless of ethnicity, the TPLF wants more political autonomy and sees Ahmed’s central government as a hindrance to the TPLF’s political agenda. 

The current dispute began when the TPLF wanted to hold a regional election in September. Prime Minister Ahmed denied the request, since all national elections in Ethiopia were canceled due to COVID-19. Fighting began on Nov. 4 when Tigrayan forces were accused of attacking a military base belonging to Ahmed’s government. The violence in the region continues to escalate. 

Abiy Ahmed is widely recognized for brokering peace and ending a military conflict with neighboring Eritrea, an effort that resulted in Ahmed receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019. However the current escalating violence is causing the international community to raise its eyebrows. According to Kjetil Tronvoll, a scholar of Ethiopian politics at Bjorknes University College in Norway, “The Nobel Peace Prize has until recently shielded Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed from international scrutiny and criticism. However, the warfare on Tigray has opened the eyes of many diplomats to the way political power is wielded in Ethiopia.”

Rwandan President Paul Kagame (left) and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (right). Kagame. CC2.0

What is Happening Now? 

On Nov. 28, the Ethiopian army gained control of the Tigrayan regional capital of Mekelle, with Prime Minister Ahmed declaring victory shortly thereafter. However, Tigrayan forces have yet to surrender. Since the conflict began, telephone, internet and road access to the Tigray region has been suspended, making it difficult to know what is happening on the ground. Shortly after Ahmed declared victory, rockets were fired at the Eritrean capital of Asmara, where according to the U.S. embassy, “Six explosions occurred in the city at about 10:13 p.m.” The Ethiopian government has declared a six-month-long state of emergency in the Tigray region. There is concern that the conflict could exacerbate ethnic division in other parts of Ethiopia, or even spread to neighboring countries such as Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia. With the conflict having no end in sight, it is unclear to predict whether current military efforts are enough to end the fighting.

Refugee children in Ethiopia. United Nations Photo. CC2.0

Impact on Internally Displaced People and Refugees

Before the recent fighting broke out in Tigray, the region was already home to over 200,000 refugees, the majority coming from Eritrea. The current fighting is estimated to affect over 2 million people, with larger estimates of up to 9 million. As many as 43,000 have already fled to neighboring countries, with Sudan preparing to accept as many as 200,000 refugees. Thousands of people are internally displaced in Shire, near the border with Eritrea. Aid groups are urging the Ethiopian government to allow access to roads crucial to the Tigray region. This year has been especially difficult in Ethiopia, as a devastating locust outbreak, floods and the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic have ravaged the country. According to the International Rescue Committee, the most important thing that can be done by forces is to adhere to international law, ensure that schools, hospitals and homes are not targets, and allow humanitarian aid to get to where it is needed. 

To Get Involved:

Check out the International Rescue Committee, a global aid and development organization providing crucial humanitarian assistance to communities in Tigray, here. 

Click here to access the website of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which is working to establish a new shelter site for Tigrayan refugees in Sudan.

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Megan Gürer

Megan is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

Locked Up: Unmasking Australia’s Aboriginal Youth Prison Crisis

The Aboriginal people have been severely marginalized by Australia’s government, but among the most impacted are the group’s children.

A young Aboriginal girl. mingzhuxia. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

Indigenous people make up approximately 3% of Australia’s overall population and are considered the country’s most disadvantaged group. It is believed that the Aboriginal people lived in Australia for over 47,000 years prior to European colonization. Even today, the Aboriginal people continue to suffer some of the consequences of violent colonization such as low literacy rates, low life expectancy and a high unemployment rate.

Aboriginal children in particular are 30 times more likely to be stopped and prosecuted than other Australian youths. This reveals a pattern of racial profiling and stereotyping that has been called out by protests affiliating with the U.S.’s Black Lives Matter movement. 

Progress was made in 2018, when police in Western Australia apologized for practicing “forceful removal,” the separation of Indigenous children from their families. Forceful removal was popular throughout the late 19th century and was legal until 1969. Many refer to those impacted by forceful removal as the “Stolen Generation.” 

Since May 26, 1998, Australians have observed “National Sorry Day” as a way to apologize to the Aboriginal people for the harmful practice. It is a nationwide campaign committed to paying homage to affected groups while teaching youth of Australia’s harmful past actions. In 2008, former Prime Minister Kevin Rudd made a proposal in front of Parliament to help bridge the gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. 

Australia’s National Sorry Day in 2015. butupa. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Yet, the gap between the Aboriginal community and other Australians remains as wide as ever. In February, the police of New South Wales revealed details about the Suspect Targeting Management Plan, which is intended to prevent future crimes by targeting likely or repeat offenders. Reports from 2016 to 2018 show that up to 72% of targeted children were likely from Indigenous descent. The youngest child identified was 9 years old. 

The minimum age of criminal responsibility in Australia is one of the lowest in the world, allowing children as young as 10 to be sentenced to jail. Additionally, Aboriginal children are 17 times  more likely to be jailed than non-Indigenous youth. Statistics from Western Australia say that 60 to 70% of children currently being held in the state’s detention centers are of an Aboriginal background. 

As of now, very little research proves that locking up children reduces criminal activity in the future. In fact, youth already in the criminal justice system are far more likely to be repeat offenders, challenging the original intent of New South Wales’ Suspect Target Management Plan. 

There is a push by lawyers and advocacy groups to raise the age of criminal responsibility in Australia to at least 14. Others believe that an alternative is to provide better health care and other social services in an attempt to elevate Aboriginal children’s socioeconomic standing. The end goal would be to improve their overall quality of life, allowing for better employment opportunities and an end to the societal obstacles currently facing the group.

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Eva Ashbaugh

Eva is a Political Science and Gender, Sexuality, and Women's Studies double major at the University of Pittsburgh. As a political science major concentrating on International Relations, she is passionate about human rights, foreign policy, and fighting for equality. She hopes to one day travel and help educate people to make the world a better place.

Syria Safe Zones: What is Driving the Unexpected Rapprochement Between the US and Turkey?

After years of rising tensions between Turkey and the US over the situation in northern Syria, an unexpected rapprochement has pulled the two countries back from possible conflict.

Relations between the two countries had deteriorated over Turkish opposition to the US alliance with Kurdish fighters in northern Syria, and Turkey’s recent purchase of a Russian air defence missile system. In response, the US kicked Turkey out of its F-35 fighter programme in July.

But in August, Turkey and US announced they would collaborate to establish safe zones along the Syrian-Turkish border, managed by a joint operations centre in Turkey.

Turkey has long demanded these buffer zones across its northern border with Syria to protect against possible assaults from the Kurdish People’s Protection Units, or YPG, which leads the Syrian Democratic Forces. The safe zone will effectively serve as a buffer between the YPG-controlled area and the Turkish border, and also combat the ongoing threat of Islamic State (IS) in the region.

The Turks and Americans are yet to agree on the size of the buffer zone – with Turkey pushing for it to be larger than the US wants – and it remains unclear who will police it. But in late August, YPG leaders agreed to withdraw their troops from towns near the Turkish border in what the Pentagon said was a sign of “good faith”.

But why has the US begun to condone Turkish action in northern Syria, and why now?

Deteriorating relations

Although Turkey and the US both sought to displace the regime of Bashar al-Assad in Syria, their priorities in the region changed over time. When the US launched its coalition against IS in 2014, Turkey joined reluctantly amid fears that the fight would harm the Syrian rebels fighting against the Assad regime.

But while Turkey remained suspicious over the presence of the YPG in northern Syria, the US allied with these very forces to defeat IS and to balance Iranian influence in the region.

When US President Donald Trump declared IS had been defeated in December 2018 and that American troops would withdraw from Syria, Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan hurried to announce Turkish troops could replace the Americans in the region. Erdoğan has repeatedly stressed that Turkey will not harm Syrian Kurdish civilians, but rather target militant groups in the region, including the YPG which it sees as linked to the Kurdish separatist Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK.

Similar styles. Ahmed Mardnli/EPA

After the reaction in Washington to the decision to withdraw from Syria – which caused resignations and criticism from senior politicians – Trump reversed his decision. In early January the US government said it would not withdraw until the Turkish government guaranteed it would not to attack Syrian Kurds who had been part of the alliance fighting against IS. Turkey has not given this guarantee.

Mistrust has festered over alleged links with each of the allies’ foes, namely Turkey with IS fighters and the US with the YPG. Amid the tensions, the US embassy in Ankara remained vacant.

Pulling back from conflict

There are three reasons for the current rapprochement. The first is a growing desire from both sides to avoid conflict between their military personnel in the region. In 2018, Erdoğan threatened that any US soldiers who stood in the way of the Turkish invasion of Afrin, a Syrian enclave in northern Syria, with an “Ottoman slap”.

Ankara now seems more willing to collaborate with Washington. The welcome extended to the new American ambassador to Turkey, David Satterfield, at the presidential palace on August 28, signalled the allies are looking to build bridges.

The second is that Assad’s forces are encroaching into the last remaining opposition stronghold in Idlib with their Russian allies. Turkey is likely to face another stream of Syrian refugees across to its borders. The search for an agreement over safe zones in northern Syria comes to the fore as Erdoğan feels the brunt of his pro-refugee politics at home.

Since its invasion of Afrin, Turkey has sought to settle Syrian refugees in safe zones in the province. The newly proposed safe zones are likely to see a push for further refugee returns. Similar goals of returning refugees are also pushing other peace efforts in the region – notably between the US and Taliban in Afghanistan.

The third reason is more personal. Erdoğan says Trump has a feel for him. Both leaders are celebrity politicians, with their families at the foreground of their politics. They share anti-establishment mentalities, and use religious references and nationalist discourses to appeal to their supporters.

The Russian factor

Hanging over this rapprochement, however, is the issue of the Russian missiles. So far the Trump administration has not imposed economic sanctions on Turkey over the issue, despite criticisms from Congress over the risks it poses to NATO security. Turkey said it would not activate the missiles until April 2020, allowing negotiation channels with the US over northern Syria to remain open.

Turkey has been a proactive voice against military assaults by the Assad regime in northern Syria, yet it has remained quiet on the Russian-Syrian alliance in the region. Since the failed coup attempt in 2016, the Erdoğan regime has been increasingly pro-Putin, signalling it is turning its back on its traditional Western allies.

That’s why it’s so significant that Turkey and the US are searching for collaboration in the region despite their policy differences. In the Turkish case, this could be a way to enhance its buffer as Assad forces regain the northern provinces from the rebels. In the American case, it could be to expand its alliances to offset Russian and Iranian influence in the future Assad-ruled Syria.

TARIK BASBUGOGLU is a PhD Candidate at Glasgow Caledonian University.

UMUT KORKUT is a Chair professor at Glasgow Caledonian University.

THIS ARTICLE WAS ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED ON THE CONVERSATION

This Is the Only Shelter for Refugees in NYC

Edafe Okporo is the director of the only shelter in New York City that provides housing for asylum seekers, refugees and migrants. He knows what it’s like to arrive in the U.S. with nowhere to go. Okporo left Nigeria seeking asylum after he was attacked by a mob because of his sexual orientation. With the hope of a better life, he came to the U.S., but soon realized he faced another battle. Refugees can undergo harsh treatment, having to navigate complex asylum law and face time in detention centers. Still, he persevered, and built a life for himself. Now, Okporo is helping others do the same.

Contextualizing Refugees

On 22 May the Rohingya Muslims made the news not for their refugee situation, but for massacring Hindus. The militants responsible are members of the group Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, also known as Arsa. The news was part of an Amnesty International report on an investigation into the 25 August 2017 attack on the Hindu village, Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik in Maungdaw (Rakhine state), Myanmar. About 53 villagers were killed. Their proximity to another village, Ye Bauk Kyar, where about 46 were killed around the same time suggests Arsa may have also been responsible. Arsa has denied responsibility for both attacks. Still, it is the survivors of the attack who matter most. Around 500 of the Hindu villagers fled to Bangladesh from Maungdaw where they found assistance from local Hindus. These refugees are just a small part of a global refugee crisis.

The UN defines refugees as people fleeing persecution, war, or violence; often because of religion, ethnicity, or race. Refugees cross international borders, requiring international status as their home country can no longer protect them. As of June 2017, there are 22.5 million refugees around the world. This number includes those in a refugee-like state as well as Palestinian refugees registered by UNRWA. Still the number should be viewed as the best estimate of the world’s refugees as it is difficult to determine refugees living outside of camps; varied opinions exist on who is a refugee; and the variation in granting of refugee status across countries, among other potential discrepancies.

A refugee will spend 26 years on average away from home according to Ai Weiwei’s Human Flow, a 2017 documentary about the global refugee crisis. During those years away, some may seek resettlement in another country. On average, of officially registered refugees, roughly about 1% are resettled or 189,300 (UNHCR 2016). Currently the UN works with 130 countries, many of which work directly with the UNHCR to resettle refugees. The goal for resettlement is integration through self-sufficiency in their new communities. Organizations in host countries work directly with the refugees, such as the International Rescue Committee (IRC) in the United States. The IRC provides various support services—including legal aid, medical aid, English lessons, and family services—that are reflective of general integration assistance found in all host countries.

As a refugee stated in Human Flow, “no one leaves their country lightly.” Going back to the Hindu survivors, we can see the force that often drives a refugee from their home. A few have even returned to Myanmar as part of the controversial repatriation plan between Bangladesh and Myanmar. Those few Hindus represent one journey a refugee might make. And as of the 2016 UNHCR Statistical Yearbook, 552,230 refugees have been able to return home safely. Indeed, the hope of returning home is why most refugees stay close to their home countries. And it is why most refugees do not go to the West for resettlement: the top three host countries according to a 2016 UNHCR report were Turkey, Pakistan, and Lebanon.

Refugees living in Kutupalong Refugee Camp in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh

However, the attacks interconnected with wider events as the August massacres were part of deliberate attacks on police posts, which some Rohingya supported and others did not. These spurred reprisal attacks by the Myanmar military and local Buddhist mobs. The attacks displaced many Rohingya; 700,000 have crossed into Bangladesh since August 2017. As various refugee experiences suggest the Rohingya may be in Bangladesh for a few years, decades, or the rest of their life. Only time will tell—and it is that story of waiting that captures the most common theme of a refugee’s experience. The Hindus and Rohingya illustrate how the global refugee crisis has weaved together many individual refugee experiences, connecting one another at different points, together into a “singular” experience. But looking at the individual seams, it is much more complex.

Rakhine (Arakan) State in Myanmar

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Teresa Nowalk

Teresa is a student at the University of Virginia studying anthropology and history. In her free time she loves traveling, volunteering in the Charlottesville community, and listening to other people’s stories. She does not know where her studies will take her, but is certain writing will be a part of whatever the future has in store.

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When Myths Go Viral: Reclaiming Humanity Online to Make #RefugeesWelcome

Myths and facts about the Syrian refugee crisis—and why your support matters.

My job at Oxfam usually keeps me in the behind the scenes, creating webpages, scheduling tweets, analyzing data from our website, etc.

The best part about it is that I get to hear from our supporters, our blog readers (hey you!), our Twitter followers, and everyone else we engage with online every day. In times of humanitarian crises, which seem never-ending lately, we hear from people a lot. The Syrian refugee crisis seems to have galvanized people online in a way I’ve never seen before. This can be incredibly inspiring, but it also comes with sadness and discouragement. We’ve all seen the heartbreaking viral photo of a little boy, washed up dead on the beach in Turkey, but there’s a lot of other viral content out there too – some much less sympathetic, sometimes downright hateful. To make matters worse, there’s a lot of misinformation going around.

That’s why I’m stepping out from behind the scenes today. I want to address some most common misconceptions I’ve seen on social media. Because in order for people to make a difference and take action, we first need to equip ourselves with the facts.

Myths gone viral

Noura, 24, from Homs province in Syria with her 7-month old son Ziad. They are living with her family in the informal refugee settlement of Barsa. Photo: Sam Tarling / Oxfam

Myth #1: We have enough homeless people, orphaned children, and underserved veterans in our own country and should focus our resources on them.  

Okay, so this isn’t really a myth, because it is absolutely true that there are many people in our own cities living in poverty who need help. However, compassion is not zero-sum – there is enough to go around. It’s important to help people in our communities, or donate to local charities, but that shouldn’t stop us from looking past our own borders. This is a global crisis, and we shouldn’t turn our backs on anyone because of where they were born.

Myth #2: A majority of refugees are young men who pose a terrorist threat if we let them into our country.

We are constantly hearing stories about extremist groups and terrorist attacks in the news, and this threat is nothing to take lightly. However, most Syrian refugees are fleeing these exact same violent groups. They want to live somewhere safe and peaceful as much as you or I do. Not to mention that almost half of the 12 million Syrians who need humanitarian assistance are children – that’s almost an entire generation of Syrians growing up without a safe childhood.

Myth #3: Refugees have smartphones so they must have enough money to take care of themselves.

Before the war, Syria was considered a “lower middle income” country.  The violence has affected people from all types of economic backgrounds. Some people had more savings than others to tide them over, but it’s been over four years, and those savings have run dry. The fact is, a cell phone does not make anyone any less of a refugee or any less deserving of help.  If you had to flee your home right now, your cell phone might be the first thing you grab.

So, what can we do about it?

Reema (Not her real name), 12, sits inside the partially constructed building that is serving as home to her family in Qalamoun, near Tripoli in northern Lebanon. Photo: Sam Tarling / Oxfam

What can we do to help in a situation that can feel so hopeless? Well, you’ve already taken the first step and learned more about the situation. I recommend this video if you want more.

Second, you can show the people of Syria that you support them and share the message with your friends. Share a story, a tweet, or photo, like this one, with the hashtag #RefugeesWelcome. Your support matters, even across the world.

Third, make your voice heard to the U.S. government. Tell them that we need to do more for refugees and commit to welcoming at least 100,000 through resettlement in the coming year. Send a letter to the President, Secretary of State, and Secretary of Homeland Security. All you have to do is add your name!

And to everyone who has shown their support already, thank you! Your financial support helps us provide refugees in Jordan and Lebanon with clean water, relief supplies, and more. And your voice helps us advocate for political change.

In his historic address to the United States Congress, Pope Francis addressed the refugee crisis by saying, “We must not be taken aback by their numbers, but rather view them as persons, seeing their faces and listening to their stories, trying to respond as best we can to their situation. To respond in a way which is always humane, just, and fraternal. We need to avoid a common temptation nowadays: to discard whatever proves troublesome.”

So let’s take his advice and spread humanity, not hate. We need every bit we can get.

ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED ON OXFAMAMERICA.ORG

Kate Willis

@KateWillis91

Kate Willis is based in Boston and is the coordinator for the digital engagement team at Oxfam America.