Swiss Voters Support Burqa Ban Ahead of Nationwide Vote

A proposed referendum would ban full-face coverings in public spaces in Switzerland. Polls show that 63% of Swiss voters support the ban. 

On March 7, Swiss citizens will vote on a referendum that would ban full-face coverings, like burqas and niqabs, from being worn in public. Polls show that 63% of Swiss voters support the ban and plan to vote in favor of it. The text of the ban, supported by members of Switzerland’s right-wing Swiss People’s Party, does not specifically mention Muslim veils, but the ban is widely seen as targetting face coverings worn by Muslim women. 

The Swiss government has urged voters to reject the proposed ban, with officials saying that the decision to ban full-face coverings should be left up to individual cantons. Officials worry that a nationwide ban would “undermine the sovereignty of the cantons,” several of which have already banned such coverings in regional votes. In its statement, the government also noted that a ban on full-face coverings could harm Switzerland’s tourism industry. According to official statistics, only about 5% of the Swiss population is Muslim, and officials claim that the majority of women who wear facial coverings in Switzerland are visitors. For this reason, the Swiss government has deemed the burqa ban “unnecessary.” The government’s statement makes no mention of the potential for Islamophobia or anti-Muslim rhetoric to arise. 

Despite the government’s lack of support for the burqa ban, the results of the referendum are directly in the hands of the Swiss people. Switzerland operates under a unique system of direct democracy. All Swiss citizens over the age of 18 have the right to vote in all elections and on all referendums. Citizens can also propose a referendum or an amendment to the constitution by getting 100,000 signatures of voters in support of the proposal within 18 months, a facet of direct democracy called a popular initiative. If the goal of 100,000 signatures is reached, the proposal will go to a nationwide popular vote. The proposal that would ban full-face coverings underwent this process and is now awaiting a vote. 

The government cannot prevent a popular initiative from going to a vote, but it can offer a direct counterproposal in the hopes that a majority of the people and cantons will vote for it instead. In place of the burqa ban, the government has proposed a law that would require people wearing a facial covering to reveal their face for identification purposes at administrative offices or on public transport. 

Those who refuse to remove their facial coverings would face fines of up to 10,000 Swiss francs ($11,200). If the proposed ban is rejected on March 7, the government’s counterproposal will go into effect. 

Rachel Lynch

Rachel is a student at Sarah Lawrence College in Bronxville, NY currently taking a semester off. She plans to study Writing and Child Development. Rachel loves to travel and is inspired by the places she’s been and everywhere she wants to go. She hopes to educate people on social justice issues and the history and culture of travel destinations through her writing.

Fighting for Freedom: Uganda’s Election and the Internet Shutdown 

In southwestern Uganda, a wall with a faded poster of President Yoweri Museveni represents how long his presidency has continued. Adam Jones, Ph.D. - Global Photo Archive. CC BY-SA 2.0. 

In Uganda, a tumultuous victory for President Yoweri Museveni was declared on Jan. 17. This victory comes after weeks of tension and strife surrounding the election and its validity. Museveni won his sixth term in office at the age of 76 against Ugandan pop singer Robert Kyagulanyi who goes by the stage name “Bobi Wine.” Wine, 38, claims he ran as a voice for the youth, a significant position in the country as its median age is 16.   

Wine does not believe the electoral results were fair, despite the president claiming this election to be the “most cheating-free” in Uganda’s history. The claims of fraud are not a surprise as Museveni is notorious for his actions against opponents including jailing them and arresting protesters. The current suspicions around this election’s validity lie in two major factors: the large military and police presence during voting as well as the mass internet and social media shutdown in days leading up to the election. 

This is not the first time during elections that Museveni has shut down the internet or blocked messaging applications like WhatsApp. This internet shutdown severely damaged Wine’s campaign as he did not have access to campaigning through traditional outlets controlled by Museveni. Not only did it cost Wine his campaign, but it cost Uganda itself over $9 million according to Netblocks, an internet freedom monitor. CIPESA, an African internet nongovernmental organization, reports that both biometric voting systems and mobile money—a payment form relied upon by many Ugandans—were disrupted by the shutdown as well.                                      

Luyimbazi Nalukoola, a legal adviser, speaks with Bobi Wine. Mbowasport. CC BY-SA 4.0. 

Beyond the blocking of the internet come the physical barriers to voting put in place by Museveni. In a telephone interview with BBC World Service, Bobi Wine said he and his wife were being kept in their home by soldiers, with no allowance to leave. He said, "Nobody is allowed to leave or come into our house. Also, all journalists—local and international—have been blocked from accessing me here at home.” Members of Wine’s party are also experiencing this. One of the party’s Parliament members, Francis Zaake, was violently arrested on Friday while trying to access their Wine’s compound. He was beaten by security forces so badly that hospitalization was required, according to party spokesman Joel Ssenyonyi. 

Even Ugandan voters could not safely vote out of harm's way as the BBC's Patience Atuhaire reports from the capital, Kampala, that “as vote counting began, lorries carrying soldiers drove through the city and police and local defense units were also seen patrolling.” 

A group of men and women protesting the election in Uganda. DW Africa. YouTube. 

Many believe that this is life under an authoritarian regime, as Museveni’s presidency has often been called, and the utilization of internet blocks and physical force to suppress votes and muddy elections confirms this. So far, despite the turmoil, Ugandan people have not received assistance from international organizations designed to protect elections. African organizations are reporting conflicting observations as well, making it difficult to determine if intervention is appropriate. One group, the Africa Elections Watch coalition, said their 2,000 poll observers did observe irregularities, but the East African observer missions and those from the African Union said voting was largely peaceful. 

What is apparent is the suppression of Ugandan votes leading up to this election even if not witnessed firsthand by organizations. This is known to be true because in November, The Associated Press noted that at least 37 had died while protesting the election, and the number has grown but remained unconfirmed since. Now, many Ugandans continue their fight against an election result that is still unconfirmed to them despite their president’s claims. 

Renee Richardson

Renee is currently an English student at The University of Georgia. She lives in Ellijay, Georgia, a small mountain town in the middle of Appalachia. A passionate writer, she is inspired often by her hikes along the Appalachian trail and her efforts to fight for equality across all spectrums. She hopes to further her passion as a writer into a flourishing career that positively impacts others.

Evo Morales Returns in Triumph to Bolivia, Ending a Year in Exile

One year after he stepped down amid a contested election, the popular left-wing leader is back. Will he be content with his supporters’ love, or will he seek power as well?

Evo Morales waving the Wiphala, a symbol for South America’s Indigenous people. Brasil de Fato. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

Exiled leaders rarely return so triumphantly. Evo Morales, president of Bolivia for 14 years before fleeing the country in November 2019, greeted a jubilant crowd when he crossed the border from Argentina and trekked to his home province of Chapare. Many expected a more forceful return, perhaps a march to the seat of government in La Paz. Rather, Morales traveled to where he started his political career at the precise moment when that career seems set to either end or begin again. 

If Morales plans to kick-start a new phase in his political career, he reenters in a much better position than when he started. Born to a poor family in the Orinoca region in 1959, his family moved with countless other families from the highland altiplanos to work on lowland coca farms, which provided poor Bolivians the best shot at a livable wage. The young Evo became a union leader, fiercely advocating for the rights of farmers when the United States’ war on drugs demanded the Bolivian government slash its supply of coca, its most profitable crop. In Bolivia, people chew on it or brew tea, but one ton of leaves can be refined into two pounds of cocaine base paste. 

A farmer pruning coca. Erik Cleves Kristensen. CC BY 2.0.

Morales’ experiences there fostered a brand of politics staunchly devoted to the poor and Indigenous communities through the institution of socialism. He joined and soon transformed the Movement for Socialism party (MAS) and became a one-term congressman. After leading violent street altercations that forced two presidents to resign, his ambitions expanded to the national realm. In 2006, the Bolivian people voted him in as president, beginning a 14-year-long tenure which would prove revolutionary.

For one, he was the first Indigenous president since the country’s independence in 1825. In a nation that is 42% Indigenous, this seems strange, but centuries of colonization and racism led to a society of haves and have-nots. An ethnic Aymara, Morales expanded MAS’s appeal to all Indigenous people, chafing many Whites and Mestizos who supported MAS in far fewer numbers. Some Indigenous communities found Morales’ embrace of Indigenous peoples hollow; he allowed drilling in forest reserves and expanded the amount of land settlers could clear. 

Man without a plan. Alain Bachellier. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. 

Most of all, however, he presided over what many view as an economic miracle. Morales’ government reduced by two-thirds the amount of people living on less than $1.90 a day, the World Bank’s definition of extreme poverty. The high price of petroleum, another of Bolivia’s largest exports, allowed his administration to invest heavily in innovation and modernization. The widespread prosperity led many to ignore Morales’ authoritarian streak. He would often jail critics and journalists while piling lawsuits on his political rivals.

But when Morales ran for a fourth term against constitutional term limits, opponents found it unforgivable. A pause in vote-counting led many to believe he planned to rig the election, so thousands stormed the streets to protest the election results. Clashes broke out between pro- and anti-Morales protesters; 36 people died amid the violence. Once the military “recommended” Morales step down, he boarded a plane to Mexico and left Bolivia in the hands of little-known senator Jeanine Anez. 

She was a right-wing politician with exactly the opposite views of Morales. Where he proudly represented Indigenous peoples, Anez called them “savages.” (In his triumphant return, Morales sarcastically quipped, “The Bolivian right and the global right should know: the savages are back in government.”) Anez presided over an economic slump due to political unrest and COVID-19. She governed for 11 months before the electorate put in office Morales’ own protege Luis Arce.

Morales’ protege Luis Arce. Casa de América. CC By-NC-ND 2.0.

A bland, uncharismatic technocrat, Arce won broad appeal precisely because he was Morales’ choice. He engineered the economy during Morales’ presidency, so he can take credit for much of Bolivia’s prosperity. His support from the former president may prove both a blessing and a curse, however. He will struggle to distance himself from a controversial figure who still holds strong sway over MAS. His primary responsibility will be to maintain distance from Morales to the greatest extent possible.

For the time being, however, Morales will enjoy his warm welcome home. Crowds gleefully waved the Wiphala, a colorful checkered flag representing Indigenous peoples. Supporters dressed in their finest, most colorful Indigenous attire to celebrate his homecoming. Luis Arce neither met him in Chapare nor sent him a word of greeting. So far they hold no communication. For the sake of Bolivia’s democracy, many hope it will stay that way. 

Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.