Tourism Set to Reopen in North Korea

The controversial and most isolated country plans to resume tourism this December.

Panoramic view of Pyongyang. Joseph Ferris III. CC BY 2.0

After five years, North Korea is set to reopen its doors to foreign tourists. The country closed its borders in 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic but plans to welcome visitors again starting in December. Currently, only the northern city of Samjiyon will be open. Known for its winter activities, Samjiyon is still undergoing reconstruction. Located near the Chinese border and close to Mount Paektu—a sacred mountain claimed to be the birthplace of Kim Jong-Un’s father—Samjiyon was established in 2019. The town, which Kim describes as an “idealist socialist village”, was likely built with forced labor disguised as “volunteers”, given North Korea’s history of enslavement and trafficking. While Samjiyon is reopening, the capital city of Pyongyang has remained closed to tourists.

U.S. tourism to North Korea has been prohibited since 2017, following the death of Otto Warmbier, a University of Virginia student who was imprisoned in North Korea for stealing a propaganda poster. Warmbier traveled to North Korea with a tour group in 2016 and was sentenced to 15 years of hard labor. He was released 17 months later and died in a U.S. hospital just six days after returning home in June 2017. U.S. law reserves the right to revoke citizens’ passports upon attempted entrance into North Korea. While everyday citizens are forbidden from entering North Korea, visitation is not entirely banned, as the U.S. occasionally grants validation passports to professional journalists, Red Cross representatives and other citizens whose jobs serve national interests. South Koreans are the only nationality directly banned from North Korea, as the neighboring countries have been in a state of war since 1950. Today, approximately 5,000 Western tourists visit North Korea each year. Tourists from Russia and China—countries harboring more “friendly” relations with North Korea—are expected to make up the majority of foreign tourists.

Between 2010 and 2017, Americans could travel to North Korea year-round. Many have shared their experiences in Pyongyang through YouTube videos, articles and blog posts. As noted by several American tourists, self-guided tours are not an option in North Korea; itineraries are strictly followed. A recurring theme throughout these tours is the guides’ continual stress on their solidarity to the country's leaders, particularly Kim Jong-Un. The North Korean government uses tourism as a tool to showcase the country’s self-reliance, prosperity, talent and citizen happiness by guiding visitors through monuments, schools and museums. 

View of Ryugyong Hotel in Pyongyang. (stephan). CC BY-SA 2.0

Increased tourism could potentially lead to heightened political tensions. Many countries discourage travel to North Korea, not simply due to the inherent dangers, but because tourism revenue supports Kim Jong-Un’s regime rather than the local population. As of 2020, it was estimated that 60% of North Korea’s population lived below the poverty line. If tourism resumes, North Korea could earn nearly $200 million—a significant amount for a country with an economy largely isolated from international trade and exports. Koryo Tours, the most popular gateway to North Korea, is a travel agency based in Beijing that provides group tours to the country, sharing its history, politics, and culture. The tours are capped at twenty people per group, and tour leaders are claimed to have a “passion and interest for the country.” The debate surrounding the ethics of traveling to North Korea remains ongoing. As of now, we are left to observe what the future holds for one of the world’s most isolated countries.


Agnes Volland

Agnes is a student at UC Berkeley majoring in Interdisciplinary Studies and minoring in Creative Writing, with a research focus on road trip culture in America. She currently writes for BARE Magazine and Caravan Travel & Style Magazine. She is working on a novel that follows two sisters as they road trip down Highway 40, from California to Oklahoma. In the future, she hopes to pursue a career in journalism, publishing, or research.

Political Tourism in America’s Swing States

Volunteers play a crucial role in mobilizing key electorates by traveling to swing states, whose voters will ultimately decide the presidential election.

Protestors rally in front of the Capitol in DC. Ted Eytan. CC BY-SA 4.0

With the U.S. presidential election fast approaching, politically minded Americans are turning their attention to swing states, where Democratic or Republican victory often hinges. Volunteers play a crucial role in these states, engaging in grassroots efforts to sway voters and educate communities on policies and candidates. This is often achieved by speaking with locals directly, typically through door-to-door visits, made possible through non-profits.

Organizations such as Common Power and the Swing States Action Fund aim to mobilize Democratic voters by providing clear information on when, where and why to vote. Common Power, based in Seattle, allows volunteers to either travel to swing states or contribute remotely through activities like writing postcards and making calls. Common Power allows you to choose volunteer opportunities based on location, activity or date. For the 2024 general election, their tentative travel dates are from September to November, with most trips lasting five days. You can sign up for State Teams here, and the volunteer travel guide is available here. Volunteers travel in teams and take part in a virtual training event before their trip. The estimated total cost for a five-day State Team trip is $2,500 (includes lodging, meals, and transportation). However, volunteers are typically responsible for their own transportation, so the final cost can vary depending on their starting location. The Swing States Action Fund operates a little differently; the organization specializes in encouraging recent graduates or retirees to relocate to swing states. They then connect these individuals with a network of volunteers involved in outreach efforts like voter drives and postcarding. These organizations are crucial in combating voter suppression, especially in historically BIPOC communities, ensuring fair access to the democratic process. Organizations like the Progressive Turnout Project pay volunteers, offering up to $125 for completing a door-knocking list, which typically takes about three hours. The Progressive Turnout Project organization operates in key swing states such as Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, North Carolina and Wisconsin.

Map of swing states (in gray and light colors) in the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election. A Red Cherry. CC BY 4.0

Overcoming voter suppression has roots tracing back to the 1950s. During the Civil Rights Movement, volunteers traveled to Southern states to confront segregation and rally Black community members to participate in voting. In the South, Black individuals faced barriers such as poll taxes, rigged literacy tests and fraud when attempting to register. In June 1964, the Freedom Summer Project aimed to register a significant number of Black voters in Mississippi. This effort eventually led to the enactment of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, a landmark legislation that outlawed racial discrimination in the electoral process. Despite this progress, however, voter suppression continues to persist in the South today. In 2021, Georgia and Florida enacted SB 202 and SB 90 respectively, imposing stricter voter identification requirements, particularly for those voting by mail.

Following Kamala Harris's nomination as the Democratic presidential candidate, her campaign claims a recent surge in support, particularly in key swing states such as Florida, Pennsylvania and Georgia. Volunteers will take direct action through advertisements, demonstrations, and fundraising, as well as by encouraging individuals to submit opinions to government officials.


Agnes Moser Volland

Agnes is a student at UC Berkeley majoring in Interdisciplinary Studies and minoring in Creative Writing, with a research focus on road trip culture in America. She currently writes for BARE Magazine and Caravan Travel & Style Magazine. She is working on a novel that follows two sisters as they road trip down Highway 40, from California to Oklahoma. In the future, she hopes to pursue a career in journalism, publishing, or research.

Big Brother is Watching: China’s Social Credit System

The nuanced nature of China’s social credit system has sparked global debate.

People walking through crowded streets in Shanghai. Rawpixel. CC0 1.0

Amid social and political turmoil, many are fascinated by order, hierarchy and control. One of China’s long-term goals is technological self-reliance, reflected in the country’s controversial social credit system. Millions of citizens are defined by and reduced to a numeric value, which is generated as their daily interactions and purchases are closely monitored. The system was predominantly economic—similar to a FICO score—until 2004, when President Jian Zemin expanded the system by adding a social aspect. The current social credit system was formally introduced in 2014, and by 2022, 80% of China’s cities, counties and regions had instituted some version of it.

The social credit system varies geographically. Some citizens receive a numeric score between zero and 1,000, while others are marked by a letter score from A to Z. The system is divided into four categories: business, social, government, and judicial. It operates punitively, rewarding citizens for good behavior and punishing them for bad behavior. A drop in one's score can come from traffic violations, littering and gossiping, while good deeds like donating to charity and assisting the elderly can increase it. The more points accrued, the more preferential treatment one receives, including discounts and travel perks. However, if a citizen's score is too low, they can be prevented from traveling or landing work. In 2019, millions of Chinese citizens were banned from buying plane tickets due to low social credit scores. China’s social credit system has been compared to the Black Mirror episode "Nosedive," which depicts dystopian society in which one’s worth is defined in relation to their portrayal on social media.

Surveillance equipment. Rawpixel. CC0 1.0

The government claims that the social credit system was instituted to “build trust” amongst citizens. However, the lack of privacy and blacklist perpetuated by the system has sparked global concern. Even by criticizing the government, your social credit score is lowered, and in some cities, the government pays citizens to report good or bad behavior. Recent studies suggest that the portrayal of China’s social credit system in the media is exaggerated. According to the MIT Technology Review, the system primarily functions as a comprehensive record of data, documenting companies’ financial histories. It is therefore less important as a single score than as a record.

The social credit system is only one aspect of government surveillance in China. The country’s firewall limits internet searches, and there are at least 200 million surveillance cameras installed that can use facial recognition software. China’s government operates without rule of law, leading to the abuse of power. Surveillance capitalism ultimately poses a threat to individual autonomy and democratic governance. The question remains as to how far it will spread in the coming years.


Agnes Volland

Agnes is a student at UC Berkeley majoring in Interdisciplinary Studies and minoring in Creative Writing, with a research focus on road trip culture in America. She currently writes for BARE Magazine and Caravan Travel & Style Magazine. She is working on a novel that follows two sisters as they road trip down Highway 40, from California to Oklahoma. In the future, she hopes to pursue a career in journalism, publishing, or research.

2024 Paris Olympics: Challenges, Protests and Controversies

From transportation and public safety concerns in Paris to discontent in Tahiti, the 2024 Paris Olympic Games are riddled with contention.

The Eiffel Tower with the logo of the Olympic Games. Ibex73. CC BY 4.0 via Wikimedia Commons

As the countdown to the 2024 Olympic Games in Paris reaches its final days, anticipation is building among the estimated 15 million visitors set to descend upon the city. However, this year’s games are not without their share of controversies. Unrest and protests have begun to surface, not just from within the borders of France but also among the vast number of international travelers and athletes. These contentious issues are casting a shadow over the upcoming Games, adding a layer of uncertainty and complexity to an event traditionally associated with unity and the celebration of athleticism.

Security Concerns, Congested Transportation, Unhoused Parisians

The opening ceremony, scheduled to take place in the open air along the historic Seine River, has raised a number of security concerns. These concerns are particularly acute because of the memory of the terrorist attacks in Paris in 2015. Furthermore, ongoing geopolitical unrest, notably the war between Gaza and Israel and Russia’s continued aggression towards Ukraine, adds to the apprehension. In anticipation of potential protests, the French government has reduced the number of tickets for the public from 600,000 to 300,000 and plans to deploy around 45,000 French police and security forces. During the opening ceremony, an additional 35,000 security agents are expected to be on duty alongside the military to safeguard against security threats. The recent stabbing of a French counter-terrorism soldier over a week before the games are set to begin has only increased tensions.

Along with security concerns come concerns over the expected additional congestion of the city’s already packed public transport system. Many Parisians believe the transportation is largely underprepared for the influx of tourists as they already deal with poor frequency of trains, overcrowding, and general uncleanliness. Those who are financially able are electing to leave the city for the period of the games, while others will be forced to turn to alternative modes of transport and access such as biking, walking or telecommuting. Those who are unable to consider alternative transportation will have to endure long commutes with few alternatives. In response to criticism over transportation concerns, the French president of the Ile-de-France region, Valérie Pécresse, made a statement to worried citizens, "Don't be afraid to walk a little, it's good for your health". 

The Olympics have also brought the plight of the city’s unhoused population to the forefront. The Olympic Village has been constructed in one of Paris’s most impoverished suburbs, an area where thousands of individuals reside in street encampments, shelters and derelict buildings. In a controversial move, the French government transported thousands of these unhoused individuals on buses to other French cities such as Marseille and Lyon. They were removed from the city under the pretext of promising housing elsewhere, only to find themselves living on unfamiliar streets far from their original homes. This action has drawn widespread criticism as it is in no way a permanent solution, but rather a means to conceal the city’s homelessness issue and present a more idyllic image of Paris. While the government denies any connection between this relocation and the Olympics, an email obtained by the New York Times and initially reported by L’Equipe reveals a government housing official stating the objective to “identify people on the street in sites near Olympic venues” and relocate them prior to the Games.

Water Sport Events

The Seine River, the chosen venue for the opening ceremony, will also host the triathlon and marathon swimming events. This decision has ignited controversy, as many Parisians view the river as polluted and unsafe. Swimming in the Seine has been illegal for over a century. In an effort to clean the river, Paris has invested $1.5 billion in infrastructure to prevent bacteria-laden wastewater from entering the river. Despite the clean up, experts are still uncertain if the river’s E. coli levels will be safe for swimming in time for the events, and no backup plan has been announced. In a show of confidence, President Emmanuel Macron and Paris Mayor Anne Hidalgo have vowed to swim in the river themselves to demonstrate its safety. Just this past Saturday, French Sports Minister Amélie Oudéa-Castéra took the plunge into the river.

In an unusual display of public anger, a distinctive form of protest seemed to be in the works for several weeks. Known colloquially as the ‘poop protest’, it called for citizens to deposit their waste into the Seine on June 23, 2024, strategically timed to coincide with the President’s original planned swim. Remarkably, an unidentified engineer had developed a website that calculates the exact moment for the waste drop-off, ensuring it aligns with the President’s swim based on the individual’s distance from the river. This protest concept was not merely a reflection of skepticism regarding the cleanliness of the Seine, but also a broader expression of French dissatisfaction with the President’s recent election gambit and the anticipated disruptions the Olympic Games are expected to bring to the city. The protestors seem to have been more bark than bite, however, because after Macron canceled his originally planned dip Oudéa-Castéra's swim took place nearly without incident; the Sports Minister slipped while getting in the water.

Meanwhile, in French Polynesia, Tahiti is set to host this year’s Olympic surfing events. Tahiti is a well-known destination for surfing competitions, and has been so for many years. The International Surfing Association (ISA) voiced its opposition to the construction of a new aluminum judges’ tower for the 2024 Olympics in Tahiti, amid concerns from locals and environmentalists about potential damage to the local coral reef. Despite the continued use of a wooden tower at Teahupo’o, one of the world’s most famous surf breaks, for the past 20 years, Olympic organizers and government leaders greenlit construction on a new tower due to safety concerns. The ISA had proposed more environmentally friendly solutions, such as building the tower on land and using digital cameras on the wooden tower, but these were rejected in favor of the new structure.

The controversy escalated from the first peaceful protest in October, with over 200,000 people signing an online petition against the tower and prominent surfers lending their support. An incident where a barge being used in the construction got stuck on the offshore reef further fueled local anger. Despite apologies from the president of French Polynesia, Moetai Brotherson, and assurances from Barbara Martins-Nio, general manager of the 2024 Paris Olympic committee based in Tahiti, that the barge incident was a mistake, the new tower was still deemed necessary for the competition. However, many locals, including the mayor of Taiarapu Ouest, stood by the belief that building the tower outweighed the costs. The protests failed, and the tower has since been completed.

As the 2024 Olympic Games in Paris approach, they carry the weight of numerous controversies and the hopes of millions of spectators, eager to participate in a global event of this magnitude for the first time since the COVID-19 pandemic. From security concerns and transportation issues to the treatment of the city’s unhoused population and environmental concerns, these Games are a testament to the complex interplay of sports, politics and society. Despite the controversies, the essence of the Olympics remains—unity, athleticism and global camaraderie. As the world tunes in, these Games will be a reminder of our shared love for sport and competition, and the collective challenges we need to address.


Julz Vargas

Julz is a student at Wellesley College studying Anthropology and Spanish. She grew up in Los Angeles, CA, and has studied all around the world in places such as Costa Rica, Greece, Iceland, and Spain. She is passionate about employing writing as a tool to explore human connection and diversity. Julz aspires to foster cross-cultural connections through community-based research, amplifying inclusive and diverse media about global cultures, foods, and people, to encourage individuals to engage more wholly with the world.

Hunger War: Sudan is Starving

Constant violence is keeping humanitarian aid from entering Sudan.

Refugees from South Sudan. Jill Craig. CC 0

The civil war in Sudan has only sped up after entering its second year. After fighting broke out between the two warring factions in Khartoum in April of 2023, the conflict has spread to all corners of the country as the official Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) vie for control of the nation.

The rest of the country has been forced to either flee their homeland or suffer through increasingly dire conditions. Chad, South Sudan, and Ethiopia have taken in roughly 1.8 million refugees, but tens of millions of people are still trapped within Sudan, enduring acute food insecurity and outright starvation amid intensely destructive violence.

The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) has stated that almost nine in ten people living in Sudan are trapped in “relentless violence,” which is fueling unprecedented levels of food insecurity. This crisis has been declared the largest hunger crisis in history, as most of the citizens facing starvation are stuck in completely inaccessible areas as a result of the ongoing conflict.

Several nations have attempted to send humanitarian aid to Sudan and to the countries to which refugees have fled. However, the fighting that is keeping citizens trapped in the country is also effectively barring supplies from entering Sudan.

This often takes the form of direct military assaults on citizens and local responders, suggesting that the RSF and SAF are both using starvation as a weapon against each other. In addition, many attempted aid drops have been looted and destroyed by the warring armies.

As of July 2024, over 26 million people in Sudan are facing food insecurity, with an additional 9 million having been driven out of the country by the war. These refugees have triggered smaller but no less serious hunger crises in neighboring Egypt, Chad, South Sudan and Ethiopia.

Currently, over $2.2 billion has been allocated to humanitarian aid and recovery, with roughly $1 billion coming from the United States. However, as the crisis stretches on into 2024, donations have begun to dry up. Estimates suggest that around $200 million is still needed to counteract the rampant starvation, and even that does not account for the total value of all looted and destroyed supplies.

How You Can Help

Humanitarian aid organizations across the country are constantly accepting donations to send to the Sudanese citizens. Groups such as World Food Programme USA and Save the Children aim to provide food, health supplies, and other necessary resources to those trapped in the middle of the war. On an international scale, Doctors Without Borders and the UN Refugee Agency are providing humanitarian aid to Sudanese displaced people and refugees in the surrounding nations


Ryan Livingston

Ryan is a senior at The College of New Jersey, majoring in English and minoring in marketing. Since a young age, Ryan has been passionate about human rights and environmental action and uses his writing to educate wherever he can. He hopes to pursue a career in professional writing and spread his message even further.

Ukraine War Tourism: Educational or Unethical?

As Ukraine looks toward the future, it is not clear whether tourism will help or hurt efforts to rebuild the country devastated by war. 

Destroyed Apartment Building Kyiv, Ukraine. Maxim Dondyuk. CC BY 2.0

A fascination with the macabre is not a new phenomenon. For centuries human beings have been attracted to spectacles of death, suffering, and violence. In 1996 two Scottish academics, John Lennon and Malcolm Foley, coined the term “Dark Tourism'' in their book "Dark Tourism: The Attraction to Death and Disaster" to describe how some tourists are drawn to sites of catastrophe, tragedy and death, such as Chernobyl, Hiroshima or the wreckage of the Titanic. Whether these tours are purely voyeuristic or serve a purpose for those affected by the tragedy is a matter of contentious debate, and is always dependent on the nature of the tour.

In 2022, the organization Visit Ukraine proposed to host tours of cities in the Kyiv region that had been hit particularly hard during the country's invasion by Russia. The tour was meant to educate foreigners while raising funds for refugees. Mariana Oleskiv, the chair of the State Agency for Tourism Development of Ukraine, supported the proposal. However, despite its official support, the initiative faced backlash from critics who viewed it as a disrespectful intrusion into the lives of victims. As a result, Visit Ukraine and the State Agency for Tourism abandoned the idea. But is war tourism truly unethical? 

Outskirts of Kyiv, Ukraine. Rodrigo Abd. CC BY 2.0

Tourism is an important economic asset for many countries, and the loss of this source of revenue due to foreign invasion can represent a significant economic blow. “While the right to tourism is forcibly taken away during conflicts, tourism is always a reminder of the importance of dialogue, peace, tolerance, and sustainable development among countries,” The World Committee on Tourism Ethics said in a statement on Ukraine issued in 2022. 

According to UNESCO, since February 2022, the culture and tourism sectors have suffered losses of $19.6 billion due to the Russian invasion, while the total cost of the physical damage to these sectors is estimated to have reached nearly $3.5 billion as of March 12th, 2024. As Ukraine begins to think about rebuilding, the government believes tourism is essential for post-war recovery. 

“Any money that people will spend in Ukraine will help the economy to recover,” Oleskiv said in 2024. “We need to create interest to Ukraine not just as people that you support and you feel sorry for—but also the country you want to support by visiting.” However, the chairwoman is emphatic that Ukraine is not interested in developing a culture of “dark tourism.” Ukrainians want to attract tourists who are interested in learning about the history of the war and the story of the Ukrainian people, not thrill-seekers or adrenaline junkies. 

War in Ukraine. Tatyana Tkachuk. CC BY-SA 2.0

While the State Agency for Tourism Development is advising tourists to stay away until the war is over, warning that insurance may not cover risks in Ukraine, war tourism initiatives began to spring up in Kyiv as early as April of 2022, not long after Russian troops had retreated from the region. The tour guides responsible for these initiatives are aware of the precarious ethical ground upon which they tread. One Kyviv local, Svet Moiseev, saw war tourism as an opportunity to educate foreigners and raise money for the war effort. According to Moiseev, these tours are not very profitable for him, and he sees himself as a volunteer rather than a businessman, dedicated to informing the public and increasing support for the country abroad.

However, not all locals share Moiseev’s opinion, and some are uncomfortable with their lives being turned into a tourist attraction. Some locals have begun to put up signs warning tourists not to enter or photograph buildings damaged by the fighting. “Sometimes [the tour guides] bring tourists on purpose to make money from it. Not to talk about what happened,” says a resident of Hostomel, Serhii Ahiyev, in an interview with the Kyiv Independent. However, he is not entirely against the concept of war tourism and believes that it is important for foreigners to see firsthand the “terrible actions of the Russians.” 

Tourists who decide to travel to Ukraine are still undertaking a significant risk. Visit Ukraine reports that, while the majority of the fighting is currently concentrated in the eastern and southern regions, the entire country is subjected to regular rocket attacks. If tourists install the Air Alarm app, it will send an air alert notification for their chosen region of Ukraine from the Civil Defense System. Visit Ukraine also advises tourists to observe local curfews, always keep documents and IDs on their person and avoid crowded areas. Their website provides further information and resources on how to stay safe in Ukraine, such as details about the rules, prohibitions and restrictions on visiting Ukraine during the war, the most convenient routes to and through Ukraine, travel recommendations and legal support. 

The idea of war tourism in Ukraine remains a controversial subject, but organizations such as Visit Ukraine continue to plan to bring tourists to the country. “We are working to make sure that more people can see the things that the Russian army does to Ukrainian lands and people,” says Mykhailo Cherevyk, the project manager of Visit Ukraine. The organization has begun an initiative dubbed Donation Tours, and it wants prospective visitors to understand that this experience is different from war tourism or dark tourism. It is not just an opportunity to view firsthand the brutality of the invasion, but rather a way to “immerse yourself in the life of a country at war, and make a personal contribution not only to supporting the country but also to the common Victory.”


Rebecca Pitcairn 

Rebecca studies Italian Language and Literature, Classical Civilizations, and English Writing at the University of Pittsburgh. She hopes to one day attain a PhD in Classical Archeology. She is passionate about feminism and climate justice. She enjoys reading, playing the lyre, and longboarding in her free time. 

The Slow Rise of Gang Violence in Haiti

Haiti finds itself in a humanitarian crisis, with limited access to resources and police assistance amid widespread gang presence. 

UN officials try to aid the police force in Haiti as violence escalates, CC0 1.0.

Already in a long-term humanitarian crisis stemming from a 7.0 magnitude earthquake in 2010, Haiti has been in a vulnerable position for the last fourteen years. Until recently, the fate of Haiti rested with 10 remaining senators, all of whose terms expired two weeks into 2023. There are currently about 200 gangs in Haiti, half of which are residing in Port-au-Prince, Haiti’s capital. Among these are G9 and GPep; two rival gangs with the largest presence in the capital.

G9 Family and Allies (“G9”) was formerly associated with the dominating Haitian Tet Kale political party, rising via a relationship between Chérizier and the Moïse administration in 2020. The intention of this group was to maintain social order among civilians angry about lack of political assistance to their poor conditions. Over time, it strayed away from its initial goals and took up violence and kidnapping. 

The second politically relevant gang present in Port-au-Prince is GPep, less well known but equally dangerous. GPep, a gang alliance led by Gabriel Jean Pierre (“Ti Gabriel”), is the sworn enemy of G9.  Associated with Haitian opposition parties, GPep is responsible for high levels of violence, famines and the deaths of innocent civilians in its clashes with G9 for power. In September of 2023, the rivals made a public pact to “viv ansanm” (“live together”) to coordinate against shared political rivals. 

In February 2024, various Haitian gangs carried out a series of coordinated attacks throughout Port-au-Prince. Chérizier and the G9 Alliance ultimately claimed responsibility for the spike in violence. The gangs’ intentions were to reduce the power of the police force and prevent the return of the Prime Minister from Kenya, where he had previously been negotiating with the United Nations for protective measures. Since then, gang activity has seen a steady increase in Port-au-Prince, including the storming of two of the country’s largest prisons to free thousands of inmates and an attempted seizure of the national airport.  G9 also notably expanded its control and effectively blocked access to the country’s main oil storage facility, worsening the fuel shortage. On March 3, the Prime minister declared a state of emergency and enforced a nightly curfew.

The recent increase in gang presence has also limited citizens’ access to healthcare. As a result of a storm by the gangs in March, the State University of Haiti Hospital (HUEH) was forced to close and has not reopened since. TIME journalist Dánica Coto looks broadly at the impact gang violence has had on the medical system and explains that, “Even if a hospital is open, sometimes there is little or no medical staff because gang violence erupts daily in Port-au-Prince, forcing doctors and nurses to stay at home or turn around if they encounter blocked roads manned by heavily armed men.” The gangs therefore not only harm citizens directly, but medical restrain them by limiting access to cancer, asthma, diabetes and other medical condition treatments.

The rapid increase in gang violence is impacting more than just the capital, the displacement of people also posing a risk for the rest of Haiti. With a large population residing in Port-au-Prince, smaller cities outside the capital are too fragile to support people fleeing en masse. The United Nations International Organization for Migration raised their concerns in early April: “It should be emphasized that [these] provinces do not have sufficient infrastructure and host communities do not have sufficient resources that can enable them to cope with these massive displacement flows coming from the capital.” The insufficient resources of the regions surrounding Port-au-Prince continues to pose a risk for Haitains, their food security, health and safety still insecure even if they escape the capital. 

The United Nations is calling for more support for Haiti, with only 8% of the 2024 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for Haiti already funded. In a United Nations meeting, the Haiti delegate focuses on the importance of sending aid to the police force and emphasizes that, “We need to ring alarm bells. It is absolutely vital to act quickly to avoid the genocide being implemented in the country." Executive Director of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime Ghada Waly echoes the need for outside intervention; “In the absence of international action to improve Haiti’s security, through the deployment of the multinational security support mission […] alongside a long-term political solution, the circumstances will remain enormously challenging.” Haiti is in desperate need of outside assistance from the United Nations and other countries, its current support system too weak to protect and care for its people.

The Dominican Republic has deployed its own limited resources to stem the flow of arms into Haiti, although its Minister of Foreign Affairs emphasized the need for tougher sanctions and an arms embargo to help build a sustainable peace. United Nations delegates are also pushing for a rigorous implementation of the sanctions regime to hold financiers of the violence accountable, and thus reduce the damage being done to Haiti. In its current state, Haiti’s healthcare and political system are on the verge of collapse. It is only through external intervention and support that the country has a hope of making it through the crisis and starting, once again, on a path to reconstruction.

TO GET INVOLVED:

Save the Children has an ongoing campaign to help children and refugees in Haiti. Check out their website here to learn about the current state of Haiti and steps, both big and small, that can be taken to send humanitarian aid overseas. 

Christian humanitarian organization World Vision is working to help end the suffering in Haiti by sponsoring individual childrens’ wellbeing, as well as general crisis response efforts. Click here to learn more.


Aanya Panyadahundi

Aanya is a student at the University of Michigan studying sociology and journalism on a pre-law path. She loves to travel the world whenever she can, always eager to learn more about the different cultures and societies around her. In her free time, she likes to play the violin, ski, and listen to podcasts.

Palestine and Picasso: The Evolution of “Guernica” as a Symbol for Peace

As an iconic anti-war symbol, “Guernica” evolves once more amid the Israel-Palestinian conflict

Guernica on display at the Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

First exhibited at the 1937 Exposition Universelle, Pablo Picasso’s “Guernica” is a mural with deeply rooted political history that extends beyond the reasoning for its inception. Commissioned by the Spanish Republican government as a work of propaganda against fascism, “Guernica” was inspired by the bombing of civilians Guernica, Spain by forces allied to Hitler. Since then, the piece has become the emblem for various anti war movements, and most recently has been adopted by those in support of Palestine.

After being exhibited at the fair in 1937, in 1939 “Guernica” made its way across various U.S. cities, and eventually was housed in the Museum of Modern Art in Manhattan for 41 years until it returned to Spain in 1981. The mural was a formidable inspiration for many American artists, such as Jackson Pollock.

Moreover, the Art Workers Coalition, a group of artists, museum staff, critics and writers, adopted “Guernica” as part of their movement against American involvement in the Vietnam War. Throughout the 60s and 70s, the group created posters featuring the mural to use alongside various slogans like, “Stop the war in Vietnam now!”

In the decades since the Vietnam War, “Guernica” has been at the root of various different protests, and was even on one occasion vandalized with the words, “kill lies all.” Most recently, the piece has been integrated into the movement for solidarity with Gaza.

This past December, a protest held at the Pasialeku Market Place in Guernica was organized by the Guernica-Palestine Citizens’ Initiative. Thousands assembled at the market and when aerially viewed, created a mosaic of the Palestinian Flag and a section of “Guernica.” The location of the protest was intentional, designed to draw similarities between the current conflict in Palestine and the civilian bombing in 1937 that served as the initial catalyst for the piece.

Though not directly related to the painting, Guernica is also a non profit literary magazine dedicated to art and global politics. The magazine features a plethora of Palestinian writers, as well as pieces on addressing the nuances of this conflict. 

Recently, however, the outlet is facing backlash for releasing an article by Joanna Chen in its March issue, entitled “From the Edges of a Broken World.” The article’s publication resulted in mass resignation of the magazine’s editors. In particular, people had issues with the following: “A neighbor told me she was trying to calm her children, who were frightened by the sound of warplanes flying over the house day and night. ‘I tell them these are good booms.’ She grimaced, and I understood the subtext, that the Israeli army was bombing Gaza,” which could be interpreted as approving of the bombardment.

Some regarded the piece as “white colonialism masquerading as goodness,” in reflection of Chen’s British origins. However, in light of the controversy, many readers seeking out the essay found no problems with its content. April Zhu, a senior editor, wrote that she believed the article did not align with an “earnest, urgent, and risky resistance to U.S. imperialism and all others,” which she felt Guernica, the magazine, embodied and was founded on.

Although Guernica’s editor-in-chief, Jina Moore, resigned on April 5 amid the backlash, she maintains that the article aligns with what the publication is known for. In her statement of resignation, she said, “I saw the piece as an example of the difficult work that Guernica is known for: capturing, with complexity and nuance, how such violence is normalized, and how a violent state extracts complicity from its citizens.” Ultimately, her decision to resign reflects her support for the article, despite the magazine maintaining its decision to retract the piece. Aligned with the history of the painting, Guernica as a magazine shows that voices can diverge, even with the goal of peace at their roots.


Nicola DeGregorio

Nicola is studying English Literature at George Washington University, where she also reports for the student newspaper, The Hatchet. Nicola's passion for literature and writing has sparked an interest in exploring the broader context surrounding written texts. Researching and writing for Catalyst Planet allows her to investigate nuanced issues that intersect with her interests in art history, culinary practices, and cultural traditions.

Noon Against Putin: Russian Citizens Continue Navalny’s Mission

In Russia, protests in opposition to Putin’s rule continue despite the death of Alexei Navalny.

The late Alexei Navalny. Mitya Aleshkovskiy. CC BY-SA 4.0

On February 16, 2024, Alexei Navalny, outspoken critic of Vladimir Putin and major activist in Russian domestic politics, died in a Russian prison. On March 17, 2024, believers in Navalny’s vision took the next step in opposition to the president.

Despite his death, Navalny’s anti-Putin rhetoric continues to echo through the streets of Moscow. On the final day of the 2024 Russian presidential election, groups of silent protestors gathered at polling places across the country at exactly twelve o'clock noon in a demonstration dubbed “Noon Against Putin.” The plan had been endorsed by Navalny prior to his death, and the call was taken up afterwards by his widow, Yulia Navalnaya, via a video on YouTube in the days before the election.

The demonstrators voiced their disapproval of the unfair elections by either writing in Navalny’s name on their ballots, invalidating their vote, or simply leaving without voting at all. Around the world, Russian citizens also formed silent queues at embassies in Berlin and London, standing in solidarity with the demonstrators in Siberia and Moscow. Many also took to social media to decry what they called an unfair and rigged election, denying the Kremlin’s repeated claims that their president is always democratically chosen.

Protestors outside of a polling place in Moscow. Konopeg, CC0

Navalny was one of the few Russian citizens willing to outright oppose Vladimir Putin’s rule. He was arrested several times for leading protests against corruption in the Kremlin and eventually joined a centrist political party to work towards fair and just elections, among other humanitarian improvements in the daily lives of the Russian people. Navalny’s death in a Russian prison in the Arctic sparked outcry worldwide, with many world leaders accusing Putin of direct involvement.

A procession outside the Russian Embassy in Berlin. A.Savin, Free Art License

“Noon Against Putin” was carried out with the knowledge that some arrests were inevitable. The demonstration ended with at least 60 citizens imprisoned and 15 criminal charges filed. Not only did the people gathering at the ballot boxes understand that their demonstration would not change the election, but they also came in spite of the laundry list of potential punishments from the authorities. The threats of imprisonment, and possibly death in captivity, hang over the heads of any Russian citizen who speaks out against the Kremlin. But the community that Navalny has built seems unafraid of these consequences. Even though Putin was still reelected, this brief and solemn display of unity among the Russian people shows that even without their vocal leader, the anti-Putin masses are still here, and are still willing to show their disapproval.

The Kremlin, and thus Vladimir Putin, still holds complete control over Russia and its government, but the forward momentum that these protestors represent, no matter how small it may appear now, suggests a potential shift in the balance of power. In the past, Russian citizens have had little choice but to put their heads down and keep moving forward. Today, Navalny’s memory has spurred those same citizens to take action towards a vision of change.


Ryan Livingston

Ryan is a senior at The College of New Jersey, majoring in English and minoring in marketing. Since a young age, Ryan has been passionate about human rights and environmental action and uses his writing to educate wherever he can. He hopes to pursue a career in professional writing and spread his message even further.

The Rules of War in the Israel-Hamas Conflict

Human rights organizations report on dire humanitarian conditions in Israel and Palestine, alleging violations of international law.

London Demonstration for Palestine. Alisdare Hickson. CC BY-SA 2.0 DEED

Since the escalation of violence in the conflict between Israeli forces and Palestinian armed factions, alleged violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) have surfaced. Both sides have faced criticism regarding allegations that may constitute a breach of IHL.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) describes IHL law designed to safeguard civilians and prohibit indiscriminate attacks against them. This provision is binding on all armed groups involved in a conflict, regardless of reciprocal actions. The OCHA, with this law in mind, has drawn up potential allegations against Israeli and Palestinian combatants, which take aim at Israeli military tactics and use of prohibited weapons as well as Palestinian armed groups’ conduct.

With the intensification of the violence and the number of Palestinians who have been displaced, there has been rising criticism regarding the weaponry and tactics that Israel has employed against Palestine. More serious allegations include the use of white phosphorus in well-populated areas of Gaza, which has harmful effects on human tissue. This, among other tactics such as blockades and airstrikes, have resulted in high civilian casualties, raising questions with regard to the potential for indiscriminate suffering and collective punishment.

Palestinian actors have also breached rules of IHL. Human Rights Watch reports that armed groups, such as Hamas, have used indiscriminate rocket firing into Israeli territories, giving reason to accuse those involved of targeting Israeli civilians specifically, warranting a war crime.

Apart from OCHA, other human rights organizations have also begun to contend the violence as war crime and collective punishment. Amnesty International, an organization focused on human rights, has found Israel’s system of governing Palestinians in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories to be oppressive and discriminatory. Citing the forced eviction of thousands of Palestinians, use of arbitrary detention by Israeli authorities and torture or ill-treatment of civilians, Amnesty has expressed the belief that Israel’s actions constitute a system of aparthied under international law. 

The International Federation For Human Rights (FIDH) has additionally expressed concern over the targeting of civilians and human rights violations in Israel and the occupied territories. From the gathered evidence of human rights abuses, FIDH has acknowledged a tightened system of apartheid by Israel, involving the displacement of Palestinians in the West Bank, denial of freedom of movement and incidents of torture, all amounting to crimes against humanity. As of November 2023, Israel held close to 7,000 Palestinians that, with restrictions on water and overcrowded conditions, subjected detainees to what is now being considered ill-treatment and collective punishment. Tal Steiner, executive director of the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel, commented on the treatment of Palestinian detainees, saying that “Punitive detention conditions, arbitrary violence and humiliation of detainees and the intentional infliction of torture, should all be absolutely prohibited and unacceptable.”

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has become involved with the conflict as a potential route for prosecuting those accused of war crime and human rights abuses. Israel has argued that the ICC does not have jurisdiction because of its views regarding Palestine’s statehood, however, the mandate by ICC has gathered international support as viable protection against war crimes. The collection of evidence gathered by human rights organizations has aided in the investigation by the ICC, and the pursuit of accountability in this current situation has been viewed as one of the most crucial steps in ending the violence.

Both the Israeli and Palestinian governments and terrorist organizations like Hamas are responsible for upholding human rights, regardless of the applicability of international law in the case of the conflict between the two. Those infractions adjudicated as war crimes may be subject to legal repercussions, but as the international community awaits further development, accountability as an avenue for resolution remains integral.


Mira White

Mira is a student at Brown University studying international and public affairs. Passionate about travel and language learning, she is eager to visit each continent to better understand the world and the people across it. In her free time she perfects her French, hoping to someday live in France working as a freelance journalist or in international affairs.

The War on Journalists in the Israel-Hamas War

The Israel-Hamas War is the deadliest conflict for journalists in 30 years, at least 83 journalists have been confirmed dead.

Al Jazeera’s Gaza crew and journalists. Global Panorama. CC BY-SA 2.0 DEED

Since the start of the Israel-Hamas war on October 7, there has been an unprecedented amount of journalist death and injury. Facing high risks to cover the unfolding conflict without guaranteed safety, this war has claimed more journalists than any other in the last 30 years.

As of January 24, at least 83 journalists and media workers have been confirmed dead. Among them, 76 were Palestinian, four Israeli and three Lebanese, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). Similarly, the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) reported an estimated 94 journalists that have been killed and 400 others imprisoned. IFJ has called on the International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutors to investigate the deaths of these journalists, though Israel has argued that the ICC has no jurisdiction in the conflict because the Palestinian territories are not an independent sovereign state.

The Israel-Gaza war has become the most deadly conflict for members of the press. In 2022, 15 journalists were killed in Ukraine, 30 in Latin America and at least five in Haiti, making the amount of journalists killed in Gaza in just a few months of war greater than all of those killed worldwide in 2022. Because of such an increase, some believe that journalists are being explicitly targeted for the information that they aim to provide to the public.

On November 21, correspondent Farah Omar and cameraman Rabih al-Maamari were killed in Lebanon by two missiles fired by an Israeli warplane. The Al-Mayadeen TV channel that the broadcasters worked for announced that they were covering back and forth fire on the Tayr Harfa/Al-Jebin triangle in Southern Lebanon between Israeli forces and Hezbollah when they were hit. In a statement, the TV channel said that it believes its journalists were deliberately targeted for its — the channel’s — pro-Palestinian views. In a separate statement, Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati alleged that the Israeli strike was an attempt to silence the media.

Consequently, the CPJ has accused the Israeli military of targeting journalists in Gaza. One instance includes Al Jazeera camera operator Samir Abudaqa, who was injured during a drone strike and forced to take shelter in a UN school. Those who tried to help Abudaqa to get him to safety were shot and Abudaqa died due to his injuries. 

Other journalists have reported similar instances, but where their families have been targeted. Anas Al-Sharif, Al Jazeera journalist, told the news channel of phone calls that he had received from the Israeli army instructing him to cease his news coverage and leave Gaza. Following these threats, Al-Sharif’s father was killed by an Israeli airstrike on his home. Such death and violence resulted in a report last May by the CPJ that documented a “deadly pattern” of journalists deaths by Israeli forces; a pattern of killing journalists that was observed even before the latest conflict in Gaza.

Across global media there has been outrage over a lack of accountability of Israel’s killing of journalists in Gaza. In the United States some journalists have held vigils for fallen colleagues, but there has been an overall lack of public commentary from journalistic institutions themselves. Staff at the Los Angeles Times displayed their solidarity with fellow journalists in Gaza by signing an open letter condemning the killings and criticizing Western media’s lack of coverage of Israel’s actions. The paper subsequently suspended these staff members from coverage of the war for what LA Times cited as a violation of its ethics policy. This outcome has caused some journalists to remove their names from the letter, fearing reprisal from their workplaces, and left others questioning the Biden administration's support of press freedom and Israeli accountability.

Journalists have additionally reported feeling less safe wearing a press vest and that being identified as a member of the fourth estate could make them or their families targets for Israeli forces. 

These patterns of violence have left journalists in a precarious situation that has broader global implications. Without being able to report what is going on in Gaza, the role of these journalists only becomes more vital. Millions of people have relied on the accurate information provided by journalists to understand this conflict, and without them are left only with misinformation that may instead fuel it further.


Mira White

Mira is a student at Brown University studying international and public affairs. Passionate about travel and language learning, she is eager to visit each continent to better understand the world and the people across it. In her free time she perfects her French, hoping to someday live in France working as a freelance journalist or in international affairs.

What India’s Successful Moon Landing Means for Space Exploration

India is now the fourth country to land on the moon, and its lunar rover is making some big waves in space exploration.

The Chandrayaan-3 lunar exploration craft was launched from the south of India on July 14. Sky News. CC BY-SA-NC 2.0

On August 23, the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) landed its Chandrayaan-3 craft near the moon’s south pole, marking both the country’s first ever moon landing and the world’s first on that specific lunar region. Not only has this achievement finally placed India among the ranks of other space exploring nations, but has also made it one of only four countries to land a craft on the moon. The location of the craft’s landing near the unexplored south pole is significant given the multiple failed attempts by other nations to do just that in the past and stake a claim to lead future research in the area. Chandrayaan-3’s successful landing will hopefully cement the credibility of the ISRO on the international playing field and allow for continued collaboration with other foreign space agencies. During its two-week lifespan, the rover investigated the existence of frozen water deposits beneath the surface of the moon, and has made a number of surprising discoveries that orbiting crafts were unable to.

A digital rendering of the Chandrayaan-3 craft and its lunar rover. NDTV. CC BY-NC 2.0

While India’s space program was first established in 1962, it took another decade or two for the ISRO to really pick up steam. Many of the first projects involved sending satellites up into Earth’s orbit in order to map and survey the country from above, bringing telemedical and communication services to communities in remote regions. Chandrayaan, a Sanskrit term meaning “mooncraft,” is the name of India’s lunar exploration program, which made its debut between 2008 and 2009 with the Chandrayaan-1 lunar space probe, which found water deposits on the moon using various mapping techniques and reflection radiation. The next craft, launched in 2019, was comprised of an orbiter, moon lander and rover, and was actually intended to be the first to land on the south pole of the moon, but after successfully entering lunar orbit, the ISRO lost communication with the landing craft and rover before touchdown. 

Chandrayaan-3 is therefore the culmination of more than a decade of scientific research and technological development and is undoubtedly the crown jewel in India’s space program. The probe was launched on July 14 from Sriharikota Range, the country’s largest launch site located in the southern state of Andhra Pradesh, and successfully touched down on the moon on August 23. Unlike its recent predecessor, the Chandrayaan-3 traveled without an orbiter module, further cementing its intention to land on the moon and conduct experiments in situ. Additionally, while this craft was unambiguously an Indian project and creation, some of the technology on board resulted from various collaborations between the ISRO, NASA and the European Space Agency (ESA), proving once again the importance and benefits of scientific collaboration.

Students in India watch a video explaining the lunar mission. Al Jazeera. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Aside from proving that landing on the south pole of the moon is indeed possible, the information sent back by the Chandrayaan-3 rover has already resulted in some groundbreaking discoveries about the moon. One such finding has to do with understanding the temperature of lunar soil, an important factor when considering building long-lasting structures or even settlements on the moon. The Indian rover is equipped with a temperature probe that can reach nearly four inches (10 cm) beneath the surface, and found that the temperature drops 140ºF (60ºC) at a depth of just roughly 3.14 inches (8 cm). This has provided an updated and more accurate reading as compared to the data currently in use from NASA’s 2009 Lunar Reconnaissance mission, which lacked precision because it was an orbiter and therefore not actually on the lunar surface. Another interesting discovery took place in the form of a series of strange vibrations detected by the rover’s seismograph: scientists have suspected it as being a minor moonquake, although further exploration and longer-term observations would need to confirm this.

While these scientific discoveries are of course extremely significant and promising for the future of lunar exploration and research, the Chandrayaan-3 project also set a historic precedent in terms of the budget they used to complete this mission. The ISRO has a long held reputation amongst international space research circles for their ability to work on limited funds, at least compared to other major space exploration agencies. NASA, for example, has a $25.4 billion budget for the current fiscal year, while the ISRO received a measly $1.5 billion from the Indian government for the fiscal year ending this March by comparison. If that wasn’t enough, the ISRO actually spent 25% less than what it had been allocated. The Chandrayaan-3 mission cost a total of $74.3 million USD, ironically less than half of the budget that director Christopher Nolan had to make Interstellar, his award winning film about space travel.

The actual Chandrayaan-3 craft before it was launched into space. The Week. CC BY-SA 2.0

In addition to finally taking its place amongst the other lunar landing nations, Chandrayaan-3 has opened countless doors for both the ISRO and the space exploration community as a whole. Going forward, the example that this mission has set with regards to the resources it used as well as through the international collaboration it benefitted from. The moon’s south pole has now been unequivocally proven accessible and investigable, new information about lunar composition has been brought to light, and like all other missions into space, has helped to deepen our understanding of both the universe and ourselves.


Tanaya Vohra

Tanaya is an undergraduate student pursuing a major in Public Health at the University of Chicago. She's lived in Asia, Europe and North America and wants to share her love of travel and exploring new cultures through her writing.

Soldiers Speak: War Crimes in Myanmar

Recent atrocities and war crimes have been reported by military soldiers in Myanmar as the civil war rages on. 

Human rights protest for Burma in France. Totaloutnow. BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Myanmar has a dirty, bloody history attached to the political and military conflicts that have furiously swept through their country. The civil war that rages on adds to this history, and the war crimes and atrocities that are currently occuring illuminate the fragility and deep rooted struggles between the Burmese government and its citizens.

The civil war started in February of 2021 after Myanmar’s military powers – known as the Tatmadwa – seized the government from the elected officials of the National League for Democracy (NDL), the leading civilian party in Myanmar. The NDL had won the election in 2021 by 83%, the New York Times reports, but the military ignored these results, an action said to be linked to the government's dislike for Aung San Suu Kyi. She was the leader of the NDL who would have become the elected official of the Burmese government. 

The military coup that overthrew the government in 2021 was the event that turned the tide of the political state of the country, and now battles between military soldiers in the Tatmadaw and pro-democracy armed civil militias have erupted and raged now for almost two years. 

The military powers in charge currently – referred to as the junta: a “group of military leaders” as BBC explains – are led by General Ming Aung Hlaing. He was given power from military leaders after the coup in 2021. General Ming is responsible for the imprisonment of countless NDL members, as well as multiple ‘campaigns against ethnic minority groups’ including the Rohingya Muslim Genocide that has been taking place in Myanmar for years.

Rohingya refugees. Austcare-World Humanitarian Aid. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

As the war continues to rage on, Tatmadaw soldiers have started to come forward with stories of the atrocious war crimes that they were ordered to commit onto the civilians of Myanmar. BBC has reported that soldiers have admitted to “killing, torturing and raping civilians”. Large scale human rights violations have continued to occur as well, including the imprisonment of protesters, the treatment and killing of political prisoners and the treatment of civilians during wartime conflicts has sparked dialogue from the United Nations (UN). The UN reports that military powers have “directly targeted civilians” with airstrikes and attacks, and have already killed “at least 1,600 people”.

Six anonymous soldiers agreed to an interview with BBC, where they told the story of crimes against humanity, one of the few crimes that can be prosecuted at the Internationcal Criminal Court, being committed at the hands of the unstable Tatmadaw military regime. One reported that they had been told to “shoot anything they saw; another was ordered to burn down a house with civilians locked inside it. Other soldiers admitted to witnessing women being raped at gun point after soldiers believed the victims to be supporters of the People’s Defence Force (PDF) – an armed civilian militia organization. These six soldiers also discussed the energy of other members of the regime, stating that some soldiers would ‘boast’ about their crimes and actions.

Villages have burned to the ground, civilians have been abused, killed and looted. This is the current fate of the Burmese people, but the civilian militias continue to fight back and continue to push for democracy. In a country so often torn between citizens and the military state, the fate of the people of Myanmar has remained undecided. The UN states in their report that “despite spiraling violence… ‘the will of the people has clearly not been broken.’” Determined to return to a time of democratic rule, the civilian population of Myanmar continues to fight against the horrors of the military regime wishing to dominate them.

TO GET INVOLVED

The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw is, as Insider states, “the country’s democratically elected legislature,” the very same that was overthrown in the coup in 2021. They have a GoFundMe, which is run by the Citizen of Burma Award Organization, that uses the money to support pro-democracy protests and encourages civil disobedience against the junta military regime. To donate to the protestors, click here .

The Civil Disobedience Movement also collects donations which are sent directly to people in Myanmar to fund and support civil disobedience and protests against the government. To donate, click here.

Additional ways to GET INVOLVED can be found in Insider’s “5 Ways to Help Anti-Coup Protests on the Ground in Myanmar Right Now”. This article discusses multiple ways to donate, to educate oneself and to create constructive and far reaching conversations about the injustices befalling the Burmese people. To read more, click here.


Ava Mamary

Ava is an undergraduate student at the University of Illinois, double majoring in English and Communications. At school, she Web Writes about music for a student-run radio station. She is also an avid backpacker, which is where her passion for travel and the outdoors comes from. She is very passionate about social justice issues, specifically those involving women’s rights, and is excited to write content about social action across the globe. 

Mass Detention of Civilians In Ethiopia

The Ethiopian government declared a state of emergency, resulting in the detention of civilians on suspicion of cooperating with rebel terrorists.

Addis Ababa, capital of Ethiopia. DFID - UK Department for International Development  CC BY 2.0

Ethiopia has been in the throes of a civil war. The federal government, headed by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, has been fighting against Tigrayan rebels in the northwest region of the country. Recently, it appears Tigray fighters are at an advantage as they push south towards the nation’s capital. In response, the government declared a state of emergency Nov. 2 and began to roundup civilians of Tigrayian descent. Civilians with no connection to the rebels are being detained, forced from their homes, plucked off the street or at work. The United Nations stated that more than 1,000 people have been detained since the government declared the state of emergency. Additionally, they reported that 70 drivers contracted by the United Nations and agencies to deliver aid to the country have been detained by officials as well. Along with the detained drivers, 16 employees of the United Nations were detained following the state of emergency. These employees were present because the Tigray region is in desperate need of aid after airstrikes fell on the region in mid-October. The dire situation in Tigray has been labeled an ongoing humanitarian crisis. 

The civil war broke out after tensions between the Tigray’s People Liberation Front political party and the federal government came to a point. The party previously held control of the Ethiopian government for decades, until Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took office in 2018. In 2020, the T.P.L.F attacked a military base in the Tigray region, prompting the Prime Minister to order a military offensive in response. In June, the Ethiopian military was forced to withdraw from the Tigray region, marking a major defeat and subsequent turning point of the conflict. 

In July 2021, the United Nations requested access to the region because an estimated 400,000 people were experiencing famine, with another 1.8 million at risk. Additionally, 1.7 million people have been internally displaced while thousands of others have fled the country.

The state of emergency declared on Nov. 2 allows officials to search anyone’s home and arrest without a warrant solely based on suspicion of association with rebel groups. The recent arrests have included other ethnicities, but the majority of detentions have been people of Tigrayan descent. Along with the large-scale detentions, public figures allied with the government have taken to social media inciting hate speech against ethnic Tigrayans. The head of the Ethiopian government communication office stated that the detentions were not ethnically motivated, but the United Nations High Commissioner of Human Rights expressed concern at the broad terms of the recent state of emergency.


Dana Flynn

Dana is a recent graduate from Tufts University with a degree in English. While at Tufts she enjoyed working on a campus literary magazine and reading as much as possible. Originally from the Pacific Northwest, she loves to explore and learn new things.

Rising Tides of Trouble: Piracy Amidst a Pandemic

As the pandemic threatens lives globally, it has allowed for unseen tragedies to take hold: Naval vessels are increasingly vulnerable to piracy.

Royal Marines on Counter Piracy Operations Near Somalia. Defense Images. CC BY-SA 2.0.

Many adverse effects result from the pandemic lasting for nearly two years, including one that landlubbers are likely unaware of. For over a year, COVID-19 has exacerbated a problem that has permeated the seas for centuries: piracy.

In the first six months of 2020, fifty armed attacks at sea were recorded throughout Asia, twice as many than the year prior. Though the attacks spanned from the South China Sea to Bangladeshi coasts, Maritime Southeast Asia is the true threat for commercial naval traffic as most Asian naval attacks are concentrated within the Malacca and Singapore Straits. The region’s island geography is responsible for such prevalence of piracy, featuring dense clusters of three archipelagos whose waters are treacherous and often unsupervised.

Beginning in April 2021, naval hijackings in Central America increased significantly. Mexico’s opening of its oil industry to international investments is suspected to be the cause. As Central American pirates target shipping containers and oil platforms within the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean. In addition, transnational criminal networks are lured by prospects of lucrative loot, such as technical equipment sold on the black market and inadequate security in Latin American countries.

Maritime security experts are most concerned about the naval violence surging off of West Africa coastlines. Whereas Asia experiences the highest frequency of piracy, West African waters, specifically within the Gulf of Guinea, suffer from the most severe crimes spanning from armed robbery to crew kidnappings. It’s also challenging to quantify the scale of piracy. Shipping companies may resist reporting pirate-related incidents to insurers. Up to 60% of all naval attacks on merchant vessels, fishing boats or passenger vessels occurring within the Gulf of guinea are unaccounted for. Many incidents of West African piracy take place as far as 100 nautical miles from coastlines, in areas unprotected by coast guards or naval forces.

Worsening Factors

The pandemic’s devastating effect on the global economy has increased poverty and unemployment, incentivizing individuals towards pursuing criminal activities. A decline in international trade has prompted shipping companies to decrease crew sizes and armed guard escorts, normally mitigating naval hijackings. Travel restrictions and border closures forced many vessels to be stranded at sea or port for months, yielding such ships as static quarries for premeditated piracy. Lastly, most nation-states prioritized public safety programs to contain the outbreak of COVID-19 among their land-based populations. Government focus has been redirected from possible threats at sea to definite ones on land. Resources and staffing have been shifted away from the security of bulk carriers, product tankers and container vessels—the types of ships most commonly preyed upon by pirates. Quarantines, fragile port security, and inadequate responses to the virus’s spread have enabled a global rise in piracy. 


Rohan A. Rastogi

Rohan is an engineering graduate from Brown University. He is passionate about both writing and travel, and strives to blend critical thinking with creative communication to better understand the places, problems, and people living throughout the world. Ultimately, he hopes to apply his love for learning and story-sharing skills to resolve challenges affecting justice, equity, and humanity.

Yemen Experiences World's Worst Humanitarian Crisis

Yemen’s ongoing civil war has left 24 million in need of assistance and more than 100,000 dead since the conflict began in late 2014. Today, Yemen is considered the world’s worst humanitarian crisis and is on the brink of being labeled by the United Nations as the world’s worst famine in 100 years. 

A hungry Yemeni child eats a food bag. USAID_IMAGES. CC BY-NC 2.0.

Hunger, malnutrition, famine, displacement and mental health issues are among some of the devastating consequences imposed upon Yemeni civilians by the country’s civil war. Although the conflict between Yemeni President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi’s government and the Houthi, or Ansar Allah, armed movement broke out in late 2014, Yemen was already one of the most vulnerable countries in the Middle East.

Following the Arab Spring in late 2011, previous Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh was forced to turn over his power to his deputy, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi. Since then, the country has been enthralled in a civil war which has left millions of civilians hungry homeless, or dead. Houthi forces took over Sana’a, the capital of Yemen, in late 2014, instigating the war. By early 2015, Houthi officials declared mobilization to overthrow Hadi’s regime and, only a day later, fighting broke out in Lahij Governorate. Lahij Governorate quickly succumbed to Houthi rule and President Hadi fled the nation. 

With the help of the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia created a coalition of mostly Sunni Arab states to combat Houthi forces and the rise of Iranian influence in the Middle East in 2015. Today, much of the conflict in Yemen is a proxy conflict for the power struggle between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the region. 

The Arab coalition conducted countless air campaigns to drive out Houthi forces from Yemen and facilitate the return of Hadi’s government, despite the trail of destruction these air strikes leave behind. Funerals, weddings, homes, mosques, schools and hospitals have all fallen victim to these bombs. In response to an attack on Saudi Arabia’s eastern oil fields—which disrupted nearly five percent of the world’s global oil supply—Saudi Arabia spearheaded a bombing campaign. According to the Yemen Data Project, the conflict and air strikes since 2015 left around 17,000 Yemeni civilians dead or injured, as of March of 2019. 

According to the United Nations, Yemen remains the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. With over 100,000 people killed and 85,000 children dead from famine, the UN warned that millions of Yemenis could face starvation in what could be “the world’s worst famine in 100 years.” Currently, 16.2 million Yemenis are food insecure while famine continues to rise; child malnutrition there is one of the highest in the world, with two million children in need of acute malnutrition assistance; and at least one child dies of malnutrition or diarrhea every 10 minutes in Yemen. 

Displacement is another major consequence of the war in Yemen. With more than five million people estimated to have been forced to flee their homes, four million Yemenis remain displaced today. These displaced families live in camps of makeshift shelters, forcing them to continue moving around and making them vulnerable to severe weather conditions, air strikes and other dangers. In addition to the overwhelming number of displaced and homeless Yemenis, the nation is also home to around 300,000 refugees mostly from the Horn of Africa.

The devastating impacts of Yemen’s ongoing war does not stop at the physical realm—consequences of the violence have affected the mental health of Yemeni youth. According to Columbia Global Centers’ PGIF Project, a 25-year-old living in Yemen today “has already lived through 15 major conflicts and wars,” making depression, PTSD and other mental health disorders common in Yemen’s youth. Considering the lack of infrastructure and medical facilities already in Yemen, mental health concerns are pushed to the backburner. With roughly one psychiatrist per 500,000 people, only three mental health hospitals exist in Yemen. The lack of mental health services and resources has forced individuals who battle with mental health issues to turn to alternate methods of help, such as Quranic healing, while professional help is reserved for more extreme disorders, such as psychosis. 

PTSD is one of the most common products of war, and this is evident with  Yemeni children. Growing up with bombs dropping all around them, PTSD in Yemeni civilians and children is often triggered by loud noises and the sounds of planes whooshing overhead. Behavioral changes such as bedwetting, isolating oneself and emotional detachment are common consequences of PTSD in children. 

Beyond death by air strike or on-the-ground fighting, many Yemenis have lost their lives to hunger and diseases because of restrictions on humanitarian assistance, imports and access to essential services. Because of this, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres refers to Yemen’s crisis as “man-made.” Many third party nations, organizations and institutions have requested the warring countries involved to improve civilian protection, but have experienced little success. Now, many activists have taken to social media to garner support and aid for Yemen’s children, as well as raise awareness of Yemen’s situation—for being the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, Yemen is often underrepresented in the media.

GET INVOLVED

Despite the restrictions on humanitarian aid in Yemen, there are still ways to help. Save the Children is one of the largest organizations operating in Yemen and is currently aiding children suffering from malnutrition, supporting health facilities in hard-to-reach areas and leading educational programs. 

The international organization, World Food Programme, aims to provide 13 million people with food assistance across Yemen. To accomplish this goal and ensure their efforts are uninterrupted in 2021, the WFP is seeking to raise $1.9 billion. 

The Danish Refugee Council offers partnership opportunities to private companies, where partners will have the opportunity to help solve the global displacement crisis. The DNC is a trusted partner of the United Nations, is rated the world’s third best non-governmental organization, and is a Core Humanitarian Standards certified organization.


Mia Khatib

Mia is a rising senior at Boston University majoring in journalism and minoring in international relations. As a Palestinian-American, Mia is passionate about amplifying the voices of marginalized communities and is interested in investigative and data-driven journalism. She hopes to start out as a breaking news reporter and one day earn a position as editor of a major publication.

Evo Morales Returns in Triumph to Bolivia, Ending a Year in Exile

One year after he stepped down amid a contested election, the popular left-wing leader is back. Will he be content with his supporters’ love, or will he seek power as well?

Evo Morales waving the Wiphala, a symbol for South America’s Indigenous people. Brasil de Fato. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

Exiled leaders rarely return so triumphantly. Evo Morales, president of Bolivia for 14 years before fleeing the country in November 2019, greeted a jubilant crowd when he crossed the border from Argentina and trekked to his home province of Chapare. Many expected a more forceful return, perhaps a march to the seat of government in La Paz. Rather, Morales traveled to where he started his political career at the precise moment when that career seems set to either end or begin again. 

If Morales plans to kick-start a new phase in his political career, he reenters in a much better position than when he started. Born to a poor family in the Orinoca region in 1959, his family moved with countless other families from the highland altiplanos to work on lowland coca farms, which provided poor Bolivians the best shot at a livable wage. The young Evo became a union leader, fiercely advocating for the rights of farmers when the United States’ war on drugs demanded the Bolivian government slash its supply of coca, its most profitable crop. In Bolivia, people chew on it or brew tea, but one ton of leaves can be refined into two pounds of cocaine base paste. 

A farmer pruning coca. Erik Cleves Kristensen. CC BY 2.0.

Morales’ experiences there fostered a brand of politics staunchly devoted to the poor and Indigenous communities through the institution of socialism. He joined and soon transformed the Movement for Socialism party (MAS) and became a one-term congressman. After leading violent street altercations that forced two presidents to resign, his ambitions expanded to the national realm. In 2006, the Bolivian people voted him in as president, beginning a 14-year-long tenure which would prove revolutionary.

For one, he was the first Indigenous president since the country’s independence in 1825. In a nation that is 42% Indigenous, this seems strange, but centuries of colonization and racism led to a society of haves and have-nots. An ethnic Aymara, Morales expanded MAS’s appeal to all Indigenous people, chafing many Whites and Mestizos who supported MAS in far fewer numbers. Some Indigenous communities found Morales’ embrace of Indigenous peoples hollow; he allowed drilling in forest reserves and expanded the amount of land settlers could clear. 

Man without a plan. Alain Bachellier. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. 

Most of all, however, he presided over what many view as an economic miracle. Morales’ government reduced by two-thirds the amount of people living on less than $1.90 a day, the World Bank’s definition of extreme poverty. The high price of petroleum, another of Bolivia’s largest exports, allowed his administration to invest heavily in innovation and modernization. The widespread prosperity led many to ignore Morales’ authoritarian streak. He would often jail critics and journalists while piling lawsuits on his political rivals.

But when Morales ran for a fourth term against constitutional term limits, opponents found it unforgivable. A pause in vote-counting led many to believe he planned to rig the election, so thousands stormed the streets to protest the election results. Clashes broke out between pro- and anti-Morales protesters; 36 people died amid the violence. Once the military “recommended” Morales step down, he boarded a plane to Mexico and left Bolivia in the hands of little-known senator Jeanine Anez. 

She was a right-wing politician with exactly the opposite views of Morales. Where he proudly represented Indigenous peoples, Anez called them “savages.” (In his triumphant return, Morales sarcastically quipped, “The Bolivian right and the global right should know: the savages are back in government.”) Anez presided over an economic slump due to political unrest and COVID-19. She governed for 11 months before the electorate put in office Morales’ own protege Luis Arce.

Morales’ protege Luis Arce. Casa de América. CC By-NC-ND 2.0.

A bland, uncharismatic technocrat, Arce won broad appeal precisely because he was Morales’ choice. He engineered the economy during Morales’ presidency, so he can take credit for much of Bolivia’s prosperity. His support from the former president may prove both a blessing and a curse, however. He will struggle to distance himself from a controversial figure who still holds strong sway over MAS. His primary responsibility will be to maintain distance from Morales to the greatest extent possible.

For the time being, however, Morales will enjoy his warm welcome home. Crowds gleefully waved the Wiphala, a colorful checkered flag representing Indigenous peoples. Supporters dressed in their finest, most colorful Indigenous attire to celebrate his homecoming. Luis Arce neither met him in Chapare nor sent him a word of greeting. So far they hold no communication. For the sake of Bolivia’s democracy, many hope it will stay that way. 


Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Syria’s Allies Exploit the Nation’s Strife

With friends like these, who needs enemies?

A long road to recovery. Chaoyue Pan. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Bashar Assad didn’t survive his country’s civil war alone. Only with the help of Russia was he able to resist rebel forces and reestablish his grip on Syria. Now, his grip on power seems unshakable, and the question has moved from who will win to how Syria will rebuild. This challenge, however, Assad might have to do alone.

It will be a mighty task. Every aspect of Syria’s economy suffered in the almost decade long civil war. Oil, the country’s primary export, is being produced at one-sixth its prewar level, and last year’s wheat crop was half the prewar average. 60% of businesses have closed either permanently or temporarily. What savings citizens had are losing value fast, for the Syrian currency lost 70% of its value against the dollar. The forthcoming peace is preferable to war but far from easy. 

COVID-19 only adds to the country’s plight. The Assad regime has attempted to hide the extent of the devastation by blaming COVID-19 deaths on “pneumonia,” but the damage is clearly intense. Desperate for food and cash, many Syrians shirked lockdown measures. Other measures enforced in other countries are impossible to follow in a war zone. What little medical infrastructure existed has been swiftly overwhelmed. 

The ruins of Aleppo. Ihh Insani Yardim. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Syria’s allies and neighbors seem content to watch its slow death and profit where they can. Recently, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov visited not to help with reconstruction efforts but to scope out energy and construction contracts. Russia knows it can depend on Syria’s loyalty because the Assad regime has nowhere else to turn. Turkish involvement in Syria, meanwhile, focused on supporting anti-Assad rebels along with limiting the influence of regional Kurds, an ethnic group with aspirations of a nation-state.

What’s left of Azaz. Christiaan Triebert. CC BY-NC 2.0.

The United States and Europe provide only humanitarian aid. The U.S. heaped sanctions on Assad’s government in an effort to force at least a semi-democratic settlement, but Assad drifts still further into authoritarianism. At one point, President Donald Trump entertained assassinating the Syrian leader after his use of chemical weapons in 2018. “I would have rather taken him out. I had him all set. Mattis didn’t want to do it,” Trump said, referring to former Secretary of Defense James Mattis. To switch from a desire for assassination to a respectful negotiation would be a stark, and unlikely, change. 

Rather than give aid, Russia seems content to exploit Syria’s weaknesses. As always, the decisions of Syria’s leaders and allies will mainly affect Syrian citizens. The Assad regime’s finances have been bled so dry that it is rumored that customs officers and generals impound trucks and confiscate goods just to charge hefty bribes for their return. 

The plight of Syrian mercenaries illustrates just how dire life the situation has become. Years of fighting created a generation of young men whose only marketable skill is waging war. With no fighting left to be done at home and hungry families to feed, these men have enlisted as mercenary soldiers for Turkey and Russia. Once on the fringe of Syrian life, brick and mortar offices now house recruiters who advertise on WhatsApp, often lying about the safety of certain deployments. Families have more or less accepted fighting as a necessary means to make a living. In the current economy, there are no other options. 

Nowhere left to run. a.anis. CC BY-ND 2.0.

What these fighters make can hardly be called a living. A soldier earns the equivalent of $1 a day, most of which has to be sent home to their family. Syrian mercenaries were deployed in 2019 to fight the conflict in Libya, and just recently, they were deployed to fight for Azerbaijan against Armenia in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh territory. Russia and Turkey have made pawns out of Syria’s most desperate citizens to support their foreign policy expansions. As one Syrian businessman loyal to Assad observed, “Our saviors have become vultures.”

Syria’s isolation will only intensify in the near future. The Netherlands recently announced that it is preparing a case for the International Criminal Court at The Hague for “gross human rights violations and torture in particular.” Russia repeatedly blocked efforts from the U.N. Security Council to refer such a case, but the Netherlands has bypassed the U.N. altogether. It is yet another thrust from the international community to move Assad in a more democratic direction., For the time being, however, Assad refuses to budge and the plight of Syrians is likely to continue. 


Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.