Israel and Palestine: Divergent Histories of Travel and War

One year after the Oct. 7 attacks, Israel and Palestine’s respective travel landscapes reveal just how differently the two countries are experiencing the ongoing war.

A street vendor, selling a variety of fruits, sunglasses, and souvenirs. It is a bright and sunny day, there are stone buildings in the background and tables set up alongside.

A street vendor in Jerusalem. Ronen Marcus. CC BY 4.0

Boasting ancient holy sites like the Western Wall and natural attractions like the Dead Sea, Israel brands itself as a popular travel destination for both the spiritual and the secular tourist. In 2023, the Israeli Ministry of Tourism reported over 32 million travelers. Palestine, meanwhile, saw 2.5 million visitors between January and early October 2023, according to the Palestinian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities. While disparate, these numbers reflect a larger pattern in the long history of travel to the region.

Before the Zionist movement (an effort to create a Jewish state through colonization) emerged in the late 19th century, trips to historic Palestine, “the Holy Land,” were almost exclusively religious in nature. After several failed attempts to create a Jewish state, Zionists set their sights on historic Palestine due to the area’s alignment with the biblical land of Israel. To bolster their efforts, Zionists turned to tourism, recognizing that travel to Palestine could help boost immigration and help establish a Jewish presence in the majority-Arab region. Further, Zionists gathered that if they kept promoting tourism, they could perhaps convince secular visitors that this Jewish presence was inherently more valuable and historic, thereby granting it a perception of legitimacy and therefore protection. Desiring to entrench themselves in Palestine, Zionists spent the early 20th century advertising access to biblical Jewish sites, propaganda that continues to prove effective even after Israel’s establishment in 1948.

A retro style Visit Palestine tourism poster. The poster features a tree in the foreground framing in a view of the city.

Posters promoting travel to historic Palestine. (L) 1936. (R) 1940s. CC BY 4.0

Retro travel poster advertising tourism in Jerusalem and ErezIsrael

Israel enjoys a lucrative tourism industry, seeing more than 32 million travelers and $5 billion in revenue in 2023 alone, according to the Israeli Ministry of Tourism. However, following the immediate aftermath of the Oct. 7 attacks, these numbers plummeted. Flights to Israel were canceled as international airlines and government officials raised safety and security concerns. Traveler rates dropped accordingly. “When the war began, everything stopped,” Israeli tour guide Moshe Benishu said, as reported by The Jerusalem Post. “Not a single tourist arrived in Israel.” Reuters reported 99,000 traveler entries to Israel for the rest of October 2023 and just 39,000 that November. To put this slump into context, the number of monthly entrants into Israel before Oct. 7, 2023, averaged above 300,000. 

In recent months, Israel has seen its traveler rates partially recover, tallying 68,100 tourist entrants in February 2024 and 79,500 in March. “Since the beginning of 2024, 400,000 tourists entered the country,” Keren Setton reported for The Media Line in May 2024. During the same January-May period in 2023, Israel saw two million entrants. But still, the monthly rates of 2024 so far mark an increase compared to the last quarter of 2023. “We Israelis are good at reinventing ourselves,” Benishu said. Slowly but surely, things are returning to form in Israel. The same cannot be said for Palestine. 

Since the onset of the war, Palestine’s territories, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, (both occupied by Israel since 1967) have been devastated with next-to-no reprieve. As of Sep. 29, 2024, Palestinian health authorities have attributed more than 41,500 Palestinian deaths to Israel’s air and ground campaign in Gaza alone, though violence in the West Bank has spiked as well. 

A group of distressed civilians stand outside, a doctor and press journalist are among them, as a man carries a body wrapped in cloth out of the crowd.

Casualties in Gaza. Saleh Najm and Anas Sharif. CC BY 4.0

Infrastructure, too, has been decimated in Palestine. With hospitals, water/electric systems, houses and schools reduced to rubble, entire Palestinian communities have been destroyed and families killed in scores. As David Leonhardt summarized for The New York Times, “Israel has dropped 2,000-pound bombs on densely populated neighborhoods” with little consideration for less fatal alternatives. 

A destroyed building, pile of rubble and materials, and collapsed lights. There is a glimpse of the street and people in it in the background

Destruction in Gaza. Saleh Najm and Anas Sharif. CC BY 4.0

As mentioned previously, the West Bank enjoyed a burgeoning tourism industry before Oct. 7. Despite Israel’s control over the flow of travelers, the Palestinian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities still reported 2.5 million visitors to the occupied enclave between January and early October 2023. Since then, however, the West Bank has not been able to recoup even 1% of this number, with the region’s tourism sector currently experiencing losses of around $2.5 million every day. In Bethlehem especially, where “tourist dollars” are “the cornerstone” of the economy, according to Haaretz, the financial hit has severely strained people’s livelihoods. “Life has been hell,” said Palestinian merchant Mahmoud Falah Sleiman. “The situation was bad even before the war started, but it was better than now. We were able to pay for electricity, food, water.”

In the Gaza Strip, tourism has been virtually nonexistent since 2007 — a consequence of Israel’s land, air and sea blockade imposed after Hamas took root there. Before Israel’s occupation of the region in 1967, Gaza was a hotspot for traveling Egyptians and Lebanese merchants. But after 1967, and especially since the 2007 blockade cut off food, water and humanitarian aid from Gaza’s two million citizens, (conditions some have likened to “collective punishment” and an “open air prison”) there’s been next-to-no tourism. Given the mass destruction of life and infrastructure in Gaza since Oct. 7, there won’t be anytime soon.

Bella Liu

Bella is a student at UC Berkeley studying English, Media Studies and Journalism. When she’s not writing or working through the books on her nightstand, you can find her painting her nails red, taking digicam photos with her friends or yelling at the TV to make the Dodgers play better.

Hunger War: Sudan is Starving

Constant violence is keeping humanitarian aid from entering Sudan.

Refugees from South Sudan. Jill Craig. CC 0

The civil war in Sudan has only sped up after entering its second year. After fighting broke out between the two warring factions in Khartoum in April of 2023, the conflict has spread to all corners of the country as the official Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) vie for control of the nation.

The rest of the country has been forced to either flee their homeland or suffer through increasingly dire conditions. Chad, South Sudan, and Ethiopia have taken in roughly 1.8 million refugees, but tens of millions of people are still trapped within Sudan, enduring acute food insecurity and outright starvation amid intensely destructive violence.

The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) has stated that almost nine in ten people living in Sudan are trapped in “relentless violence,” which is fueling unprecedented levels of food insecurity. This crisis has been declared the largest hunger crisis in history, as most of the citizens facing starvation are stuck in completely inaccessible areas as a result of the ongoing conflict.

Several nations have attempted to send humanitarian aid to Sudan and to the countries to which refugees have fled. However, the fighting that is keeping citizens trapped in the country is also effectively barring supplies from entering Sudan.

This often takes the form of direct military assaults on citizens and local responders, suggesting that the RSF and SAF are both using starvation as a weapon against each other. In addition, many attempted aid drops have been looted and destroyed by the warring armies.

As of July 2024, over 26 million people in Sudan are facing food insecurity, with an additional 9 million having been driven out of the country by the war. These refugees have triggered smaller but no less serious hunger crises in neighboring Egypt, Chad, South Sudan and Ethiopia.

Currently, over $2.2 billion has been allocated to humanitarian aid and recovery, with roughly $1 billion coming from the United States. However, as the crisis stretches on into 2024, donations have begun to dry up. Estimates suggest that around $200 million is still needed to counteract the rampant starvation, and even that does not account for the total value of all looted and destroyed supplies.

How You Can Help

Humanitarian aid organizations across the country are constantly accepting donations to send to the Sudanese citizens. Groups such as World Food Programme USA and Save the Children aim to provide food, health supplies, and other necessary resources to those trapped in the middle of the war. On an international scale, Doctors Without Borders and the UN Refugee Agency are providing humanitarian aid to Sudanese displaced people and refugees in the surrounding nations

Ryan Livingston

Ryan is a senior at The College of New Jersey, majoring in English and minoring in marketing. Since a young age, Ryan has been passionate about human rights and environmental action and uses his writing to educate wherever he can. He hopes to pursue a career in professional writing and spread his message even further.

Ukraine War Tourism: Educational or Unethical?

As Ukraine looks toward the future, it is not clear whether tourism will help or hurt efforts to rebuild the country devastated by war. 

Destroyed Apartment Building Kyiv, Ukraine. Maxim Dondyuk. CC BY 2.0

A fascination with the macabre is not a new phenomenon. For centuries human beings have been attracted to spectacles of death, suffering, and violence. In 1996 two Scottish academics, John Lennon and Malcolm Foley, coined the term “Dark Tourism'' in their book "Dark Tourism: The Attraction to Death and Disaster" to describe how some tourists are drawn to sites of catastrophe, tragedy and death, such as Chernobyl, Hiroshima or the wreckage of the Titanic. Whether these tours are purely voyeuristic or serve a purpose for those affected by the tragedy is a matter of contentious debate, and is always dependent on the nature of the tour.

In 2022, the organization Visit Ukraine proposed to host tours of cities in the Kyiv region that had been hit particularly hard during the country's invasion by Russia. The tour was meant to educate foreigners while raising funds for refugees. Mariana Oleskiv, the chair of the State Agency for Tourism Development of Ukraine, supported the proposal. However, despite its official support, the initiative faced backlash from critics who viewed it as a disrespectful intrusion into the lives of victims. As a result, Visit Ukraine and the State Agency for Tourism abandoned the idea. But is war tourism truly unethical? 

Outskirts of Kyiv, Ukraine. Rodrigo Abd. CC BY 2.0

Tourism is an important economic asset for many countries, and the loss of this source of revenue due to foreign invasion can represent a significant economic blow. “While the right to tourism is forcibly taken away during conflicts, tourism is always a reminder of the importance of dialogue, peace, tolerance, and sustainable development among countries,” The World Committee on Tourism Ethics said in a statement on Ukraine issued in 2022. 

According to UNESCO, since February 2022, the culture and tourism sectors have suffered losses of $19.6 billion due to the Russian invasion, while the total cost of the physical damage to these sectors is estimated to have reached nearly $3.5 billion as of March 12th, 2024. As Ukraine begins to think about rebuilding, the government believes tourism is essential for post-war recovery. 

“Any money that people will spend in Ukraine will help the economy to recover,” Oleskiv said in 2024. “We need to create interest to Ukraine not just as people that you support and you feel sorry for—but also the country you want to support by visiting.” However, the chairwoman is emphatic that Ukraine is not interested in developing a culture of “dark tourism.” Ukrainians want to attract tourists who are interested in learning about the history of the war and the story of the Ukrainian people, not thrill-seekers or adrenaline junkies. 

War in Ukraine. Tatyana Tkachuk. CC BY-SA 2.0

While the State Agency for Tourism Development is advising tourists to stay away until the war is over, warning that insurance may not cover risks in Ukraine, war tourism initiatives began to spring up in Kyiv as early as April of 2022, not long after Russian troops had retreated from the region. The tour guides responsible for these initiatives are aware of the precarious ethical ground upon which they tread. One Kyviv local, Svet Moiseev, saw war tourism as an opportunity to educate foreigners and raise money for the war effort. According to Moiseev, these tours are not very profitable for him, and he sees himself as a volunteer rather than a businessman, dedicated to informing the public and increasing support for the country abroad.

However, not all locals share Moiseev’s opinion, and some are uncomfortable with their lives being turned into a tourist attraction. Some locals have begun to put up signs warning tourists not to enter or photograph buildings damaged by the fighting. “Sometimes [the tour guides] bring tourists on purpose to make money from it. Not to talk about what happened,” says a resident of Hostomel, Serhii Ahiyev, in an interview with the Kyiv Independent. However, he is not entirely against the concept of war tourism and believes that it is important for foreigners to see firsthand the “terrible actions of the Russians.” 

Tourists who decide to travel to Ukraine are still undertaking a significant risk. Visit Ukraine reports that, while the majority of the fighting is currently concentrated in the eastern and southern regions, the entire country is subjected to regular rocket attacks. If tourists install the Air Alarm app, it will send an air alert notification for their chosen region of Ukraine from the Civil Defense System. Visit Ukraine also advises tourists to observe local curfews, always keep documents and IDs on their person and avoid crowded areas. Their website provides further information and resources on how to stay safe in Ukraine, such as details about the rules, prohibitions and restrictions on visiting Ukraine during the war, the most convenient routes to and through Ukraine, travel recommendations and legal support. 

The idea of war tourism in Ukraine remains a controversial subject, but organizations such as Visit Ukraine continue to plan to bring tourists to the country. “We are working to make sure that more people can see the things that the Russian army does to Ukrainian lands and people,” says Mykhailo Cherevyk, the project manager of Visit Ukraine. The organization has begun an initiative dubbed Donation Tours, and it wants prospective visitors to understand that this experience is different from war tourism or dark tourism. It is not just an opportunity to view firsthand the brutality of the invasion, but rather a way to “immerse yourself in the life of a country at war, and make a personal contribution not only to supporting the country but also to the common Victory.”

Rebecca Pitcairn 

Rebecca studies Italian Language and Literature, Classical Civilizations, and English Writing at the University of Pittsburgh. She hopes to one day attain a PhD in Classical Archeology. She is passionate about feminism and climate justice. She enjoys reading, playing the lyre, and longboarding in her free time. 

The Slow Rise of Gang Violence in Haiti

Haiti finds itself in a humanitarian crisis, with limited access to resources and police assistance amid widespread gang presence. 

UN officials try to aid the police force in Haiti as violence escalates, CC0 1.0.

Already in a long-term humanitarian crisis stemming from a 7.0 magnitude earthquake in 2010, Haiti has been in a vulnerable position for the last fourteen years. Until recently, the fate of Haiti rested with 10 remaining senators, all of whose terms expired two weeks into 2023. There are currently about 200 gangs in Haiti, half of which are residing in Port-au-Prince, Haiti’s capital. Among these are G9 and GPep; two rival gangs with the largest presence in the capital.

G9 Family and Allies (“G9”) was formerly associated with the dominating Haitian Tet Kale political party, rising via a relationship between Chérizier and the Moïse administration in 2020. The intention of this group was to maintain social order among civilians angry about lack of political assistance to their poor conditions. Over time, it strayed away from its initial goals and took up violence and kidnapping. 

The second politically relevant gang present in Port-au-Prince is GPep, less well known but equally dangerous. GPep, a gang alliance led by Gabriel Jean Pierre (“Ti Gabriel”), is the sworn enemy of G9.  Associated with Haitian opposition parties, GPep is responsible for high levels of violence, famines and the deaths of innocent civilians in its clashes with G9 for power. In September of 2023, the rivals made a public pact to “viv ansanm” (“live together”) to coordinate against shared political rivals. 

In February 2024, various Haitian gangs carried out a series of coordinated attacks throughout Port-au-Prince. Chérizier and the G9 Alliance ultimately claimed responsibility for the spike in violence. The gangs’ intentions were to reduce the power of the police force and prevent the return of the Prime Minister from Kenya, where he had previously been negotiating with the United Nations for protective measures. Since then, gang activity has seen a steady increase in Port-au-Prince, including the storming of two of the country’s largest prisons to free thousands of inmates and an attempted seizure of the national airport.  G9 also notably expanded its control and effectively blocked access to the country’s main oil storage facility, worsening the fuel shortage. On March 3, the Prime minister declared a state of emergency and enforced a nightly curfew.

The recent increase in gang presence has also limited citizens’ access to healthcare. As a result of a storm by the gangs in March, the State University of Haiti Hospital (HUEH) was forced to close and has not reopened since. TIME journalist Dánica Coto looks broadly at the impact gang violence has had on the medical system and explains that, “Even if a hospital is open, sometimes there is little or no medical staff because gang violence erupts daily in Port-au-Prince, forcing doctors and nurses to stay at home or turn around if they encounter blocked roads manned by heavily armed men.” The gangs therefore not only harm citizens directly, but medical restrain them by limiting access to cancer, asthma, diabetes and other medical condition treatments.

The rapid increase in gang violence is impacting more than just the capital, the displacement of people also posing a risk for the rest of Haiti. With a large population residing in Port-au-Prince, smaller cities outside the capital are too fragile to support people fleeing en masse. The United Nations International Organization for Migration raised their concerns in early April: “It should be emphasized that [these] provinces do not have sufficient infrastructure and host communities do not have sufficient resources that can enable them to cope with these massive displacement flows coming from the capital.” The insufficient resources of the regions surrounding Port-au-Prince continues to pose a risk for Haitains, their food security, health and safety still insecure even if they escape the capital. 

The United Nations is calling for more support for Haiti, with only 8% of the 2024 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for Haiti already funded. In a United Nations meeting, the Haiti delegate focuses on the importance of sending aid to the police force and emphasizes that, “We need to ring alarm bells. It is absolutely vital to act quickly to avoid the genocide being implemented in the country." Executive Director of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime Ghada Waly echoes the need for outside intervention; “In the absence of international action to improve Haiti’s security, through the deployment of the multinational security support mission […] alongside a long-term political solution, the circumstances will remain enormously challenging.” Haiti is in desperate need of outside assistance from the United Nations and other countries, its current support system too weak to protect and care for its people.

The Dominican Republic has deployed its own limited resources to stem the flow of arms into Haiti, although its Minister of Foreign Affairs emphasized the need for tougher sanctions and an arms embargo to help build a sustainable peace. United Nations delegates are also pushing for a rigorous implementation of the sanctions regime to hold financiers of the violence accountable, and thus reduce the damage being done to Haiti. In its current state, Haiti’s healthcare and political system are on the verge of collapse. It is only through external intervention and support that the country has a hope of making it through the crisis and starting, once again, on a path to reconstruction.

TO GET INVOLVED:

Save the Children has an ongoing campaign to help children and refugees in Haiti. Check out their website here to learn about the current state of Haiti and steps, both big and small, that can be taken to send humanitarian aid overseas. 

Christian humanitarian organization World Vision is working to help end the suffering in Haiti by sponsoring individual childrens’ wellbeing, as well as general crisis response efforts. Click here to learn more.

Aanya Panyadahundi

Aanya is a student at the University of Michigan studying sociology and journalism on a pre-law path. She loves to travel the world whenever she can, always eager to learn more about the different cultures and societies around her. In her free time, she likes to play the violin, ski, and listen to podcasts.

Palestine and Picasso: The Evolution of “Guernica” as a Symbol for Peace

As an iconic anti-war symbol, “Guernica” evolves once more amid the Israel-Palestinian conflict

Guernica on display at the Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

First exhibited at the 1937 Exposition Universelle, Pablo Picasso’s “Guernica” is a mural with deeply rooted political history that extends beyond the reasoning for its inception. Commissioned by the Spanish Republican government as a work of propaganda against fascism, “Guernica” was inspired by the bombing of civilians Guernica, Spain by forces allied to Hitler. Since then, the piece has become the emblem for various anti war movements, and most recently has been adopted by those in support of Palestine.

After being exhibited at the fair in 1937, in 1939 “Guernica” made its way across various U.S. cities, and eventually was housed in the Museum of Modern Art in Manhattan for 41 years until it returned to Spain in 1981. The mural was a formidable inspiration for many American artists, such as Jackson Pollock.

Moreover, the Art Workers Coalition, a group of artists, museum staff, critics and writers, adopted “Guernica” as part of their movement against American involvement in the Vietnam War. Throughout the 60s and 70s, the group created posters featuring the mural to use alongside various slogans like, “Stop the war in Vietnam now!”

In the decades since the Vietnam War, “Guernica” has been at the root of various different protests, and was even on one occasion vandalized with the words, “kill lies all.” Most recently, the piece has been integrated into the movement for solidarity with Gaza.

This past December, a protest held at the Pasialeku Market Place in Guernica was organized by the Guernica-Palestine Citizens’ Initiative. Thousands assembled at the market and when aerially viewed, created a mosaic of the Palestinian Flag and a section of “Guernica.” The location of the protest was intentional, designed to draw similarities between the current conflict in Palestine and the civilian bombing in 1937 that served as the initial catalyst for the piece.

Though not directly related to the painting, Guernica is also a non profit literary magazine dedicated to art and global politics. The magazine features a plethora of Palestinian writers, as well as pieces on addressing the nuances of this conflict. 

Recently, however, the outlet is facing backlash for releasing an article by Joanna Chen in its March issue, entitled “From the Edges of a Broken World.” The article’s publication resulted in mass resignation of the magazine’s editors. In particular, people had issues with the following: “A neighbor told me she was trying to calm her children, who were frightened by the sound of warplanes flying over the house day and night. ‘I tell them these are good booms.’ She grimaced, and I understood the subtext, that the Israeli army was bombing Gaza,” which could be interpreted as approving of the bombardment.

Some regarded the piece as “white colonialism masquerading as goodness,” in reflection of Chen’s British origins. However, in light of the controversy, many readers seeking out the essay found no problems with its content. April Zhu, a senior editor, wrote that she believed the article did not align with an “earnest, urgent, and risky resistance to U.S. imperialism and all others,” which she felt Guernica, the magazine, embodied and was founded on.

Although Guernica’s editor-in-chief, Jina Moore, resigned on April 5 amid the backlash, she maintains that the article aligns with what the publication is known for. In her statement of resignation, she said, “I saw the piece as an example of the difficult work that Guernica is known for: capturing, with complexity and nuance, how such violence is normalized, and how a violent state extracts complicity from its citizens.” Ultimately, her decision to resign reflects her support for the article, despite the magazine maintaining its decision to retract the piece. Aligned with the history of the painting, Guernica as a magazine shows that voices can diverge, even with the goal of peace at their roots.

Nicola DeGregorio

Nicola is studying English Literature at George Washington University, where she also reports for the student newspaper, The Hatchet. Nicola's passion for literature and writing has sparked an interest in exploring the broader context surrounding written texts. Researching and writing for Catalyst Planet allows her to investigate nuanced issues that intersect with her interests in art history, culinary practices, and cultural traditions.

The Rules of War in the Israel-Hamas Conflict

Human rights organizations report on dire humanitarian conditions in Israel and Palestine, alleging violations of international law.

London Demonstration for Palestine. Alisdare Hickson. CC BY-SA 2.0 DEED

Since the escalation of violence in the conflict between Israeli forces and Palestinian armed factions, alleged violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) have surfaced. Both sides have faced criticism regarding allegations that may constitute a breach of IHL.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) describes IHL law designed to safeguard civilians and prohibit indiscriminate attacks against them. This provision is binding on all armed groups involved in a conflict, regardless of reciprocal actions. The OCHA, with this law in mind, has drawn up potential allegations against Israeli and Palestinian combatants, which take aim at Israeli military tactics and use of prohibited weapons as well as Palestinian armed groups’ conduct.

With the intensification of the violence and the number of Palestinians who have been displaced, there has been rising criticism regarding the weaponry and tactics that Israel has employed against Palestine. More serious allegations include the use of white phosphorus in well-populated areas of Gaza, which has harmful effects on human tissue. This, among other tactics such as blockades and airstrikes, have resulted in high civilian casualties, raising questions with regard to the potential for indiscriminate suffering and collective punishment.

Palestinian actors have also breached rules of IHL. Human Rights Watch reports that armed groups, such as Hamas, have used indiscriminate rocket firing into Israeli territories, giving reason to accuse those involved of targeting Israeli civilians specifically, warranting a war crime.

Apart from OCHA, other human rights organizations have also begun to contend the violence as war crime and collective punishment. Amnesty International, an organization focused on human rights, has found Israel’s system of governing Palestinians in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories to be oppressive and discriminatory. Citing the forced eviction of thousands of Palestinians, use of arbitrary detention by Israeli authorities and torture or ill-treatment of civilians, Amnesty has expressed the belief that Israel’s actions constitute a system of aparthied under international law. 

The International Federation For Human Rights (FIDH) has additionally expressed concern over the targeting of civilians and human rights violations in Israel and the occupied territories. From the gathered evidence of human rights abuses, FIDH has acknowledged a tightened system of apartheid by Israel, involving the displacement of Palestinians in the West Bank, denial of freedom of movement and incidents of torture, all amounting to crimes against humanity. As of November 2023, Israel held close to 7,000 Palestinians that, with restrictions on water and overcrowded conditions, subjected detainees to what is now being considered ill-treatment and collective punishment. Tal Steiner, executive director of the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel, commented on the treatment of Palestinian detainees, saying that “Punitive detention conditions, arbitrary violence and humiliation of detainees and the intentional infliction of torture, should all be absolutely prohibited and unacceptable.”

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has become involved with the conflict as a potential route for prosecuting those accused of war crime and human rights abuses. Israel has argued that the ICC does not have jurisdiction because of its views regarding Palestine’s statehood, however, the mandate by ICC has gathered international support as viable protection against war crimes. The collection of evidence gathered by human rights organizations has aided in the investigation by the ICC, and the pursuit of accountability in this current situation has been viewed as one of the most crucial steps in ending the violence.

Both the Israeli and Palestinian governments and terrorist organizations like Hamas are responsible for upholding human rights, regardless of the applicability of international law in the case of the conflict between the two. Those infractions adjudicated as war crimes may be subject to legal repercussions, but as the international community awaits further development, accountability as an avenue for resolution remains integral.

Mira White

Mira is a student at Brown University studying international and public affairs. Passionate about travel and language learning, she is eager to visit each continent to better understand the world and the people across it. In her free time she perfects her French, hoping to someday live in France working as a freelance journalist or in international affairs.

The War on Journalists in the Israel-Hamas War

The Israel-Hamas War is the deadliest conflict for journalists in 30 years, at least 83 journalists have been confirmed dead.

Al Jazeera’s Gaza crew and journalists. Global Panorama. CC BY-SA 2.0 DEED

Since the start of the Israel-Hamas war on October 7, there has been an unprecedented amount of journalist death and injury. Facing high risks to cover the unfolding conflict without guaranteed safety, this war has claimed more journalists than any other in the last 30 years.

As of January 24, at least 83 journalists and media workers have been confirmed dead. Among them, 76 were Palestinian, four Israeli and three Lebanese, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). Similarly, the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) reported an estimated 94 journalists that have been killed and 400 others imprisoned. IFJ has called on the International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutors to investigate the deaths of these journalists, though Israel has argued that the ICC has no jurisdiction in the conflict because the Palestinian territories are not an independent sovereign state.

The Israel-Gaza war has become the most deadly conflict for members of the press. In 2022, 15 journalists were killed in Ukraine, 30 in Latin America and at least five in Haiti, making the amount of journalists killed in Gaza in just a few months of war greater than all of those killed worldwide in 2022. Because of such an increase, some believe that journalists are being explicitly targeted for the information that they aim to provide to the public.

On November 21, correspondent Farah Omar and cameraman Rabih al-Maamari were killed in Lebanon by two missiles fired by an Israeli warplane. The Al-Mayadeen TV channel that the broadcasters worked for announced that they were covering back and forth fire on the Tayr Harfa/Al-Jebin triangle in Southern Lebanon between Israeli forces and Hezbollah when they were hit. In a statement, the TV channel said that it believes its journalists were deliberately targeted for its — the channel’s — pro-Palestinian views. In a separate statement, Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati alleged that the Israeli strike was an attempt to silence the media.

Consequently, the CPJ has accused the Israeli military of targeting journalists in Gaza. One instance includes Al Jazeera camera operator Samir Abudaqa, who was injured during a drone strike and forced to take shelter in a UN school. Those who tried to help Abudaqa to get him to safety were shot and Abudaqa died due to his injuries. 

Other journalists have reported similar instances, but where their families have been targeted. Anas Al-Sharif, Al Jazeera journalist, told the news channel of phone calls that he had received from the Israeli army instructing him to cease his news coverage and leave Gaza. Following these threats, Al-Sharif’s father was killed by an Israeli airstrike on his home. Such death and violence resulted in a report last May by the CPJ that documented a “deadly pattern” of journalists deaths by Israeli forces; a pattern of killing journalists that was observed even before the latest conflict in Gaza.

Across global media there has been outrage over a lack of accountability of Israel’s killing of journalists in Gaza. In the United States some journalists have held vigils for fallen colleagues, but there has been an overall lack of public commentary from journalistic institutions themselves. Staff at the Los Angeles Times displayed their solidarity with fellow journalists in Gaza by signing an open letter condemning the killings and criticizing Western media’s lack of coverage of Israel’s actions. The paper subsequently suspended these staff members from coverage of the war for what LA Times cited as a violation of its ethics policy. This outcome has caused some journalists to remove their names from the letter, fearing reprisal from their workplaces, and left others questioning the Biden administration's support of press freedom and Israeli accountability.

Journalists have additionally reported feeling less safe wearing a press vest and that being identified as a member of the fourth estate could make them or their families targets for Israeli forces. 

These patterns of violence have left journalists in a precarious situation that has broader global implications. Without being able to report what is going on in Gaza, the role of these journalists only becomes more vital. Millions of people have relied on the accurate information provided by journalists to understand this conflict, and without them are left only with misinformation that may instead fuel it further.

Mira White

Mira is a student at Brown University studying international and public affairs. Passionate about travel and language learning, she is eager to visit each continent to better understand the world and the people across it. In her free time she perfects her French, hoping to someday live in France working as a freelance journalist or in international affairs.

Soldiers Speak: War Crimes in Myanmar

Recent atrocities and war crimes have been reported by military soldiers in Myanmar as the civil war rages on. 

Human rights protest for Burma in France. Totaloutnow. BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Myanmar has a dirty, bloody history attached to the political and military conflicts that have furiously swept through their country. The civil war that rages on adds to this history, and the war crimes and atrocities that are currently occuring illuminate the fragility and deep rooted struggles between the Burmese government and its citizens.

The civil war started in February of 2021 after Myanmar’s military powers – known as the Tatmadwa – seized the government from the elected officials of the National League for Democracy (NDL), the leading civilian party in Myanmar. The NDL had won the election in 2021 by 83%, the New York Times reports, but the military ignored these results, an action said to be linked to the government's dislike for Aung San Suu Kyi. She was the leader of the NDL who would have become the elected official of the Burmese government. 

The military coup that overthrew the government in 2021 was the event that turned the tide of the political state of the country, and now battles between military soldiers in the Tatmadaw and pro-democracy armed civil militias have erupted and raged now for almost two years. 

The military powers in charge currently – referred to as the junta: a “group of military leaders” as BBC explains – are led by General Ming Aung Hlaing. He was given power from military leaders after the coup in 2021. General Ming is responsible for the imprisonment of countless NDL members, as well as multiple ‘campaigns against ethnic minority groups’ including the Rohingya Muslim Genocide that has been taking place in Myanmar for years.

Rohingya refugees. Austcare-World Humanitarian Aid. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

As the war continues to rage on, Tatmadaw soldiers have started to come forward with stories of the atrocious war crimes that they were ordered to commit onto the civilians of Myanmar. BBC has reported that soldiers have admitted to “killing, torturing and raping civilians”. Large scale human rights violations have continued to occur as well, including the imprisonment of protesters, the treatment and killing of political prisoners and the treatment of civilians during wartime conflicts has sparked dialogue from the United Nations (UN). The UN reports that military powers have “directly targeted civilians” with airstrikes and attacks, and have already killed “at least 1,600 people”.

Six anonymous soldiers agreed to an interview with BBC, where they told the story of crimes against humanity, one of the few crimes that can be prosecuted at the Internationcal Criminal Court, being committed at the hands of the unstable Tatmadaw military regime. One reported that they had been told to “shoot anything they saw; another was ordered to burn down a house with civilians locked inside it. Other soldiers admitted to witnessing women being raped at gun point after soldiers believed the victims to be supporters of the People’s Defence Force (PDF) – an armed civilian militia organization. These six soldiers also discussed the energy of other members of the regime, stating that some soldiers would ‘boast’ about their crimes and actions.

Villages have burned to the ground, civilians have been abused, killed and looted. This is the current fate of the Burmese people, but the civilian militias continue to fight back and continue to push for democracy. In a country so often torn between citizens and the military state, the fate of the people of Myanmar has remained undecided. The UN states in their report that “despite spiraling violence… ‘the will of the people has clearly not been broken.’” Determined to return to a time of democratic rule, the civilian population of Myanmar continues to fight against the horrors of the military regime wishing to dominate them.

TO GET INVOLVED

The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw is, as Insider states, “the country’s democratically elected legislature,” the very same that was overthrown in the coup in 2021. They have a GoFundMe, which is run by the Citizen of Burma Award Organization, that uses the money to support pro-democracy protests and encourages civil disobedience against the junta military regime. To donate to the protestors, click here .

The Civil Disobedience Movement also collects donations which are sent directly to people in Myanmar to fund and support civil disobedience and protests against the government. To donate, click here.

Additional ways to GET INVOLVED can be found in Insider’s “5 Ways to Help Anti-Coup Protests on the Ground in Myanmar Right Now”. This article discusses multiple ways to donate, to educate oneself and to create constructive and far reaching conversations about the injustices befalling the Burmese people. To read more, click here.

Ava Mamary

Ava is an undergraduate student at the University of Illinois, double majoring in English and Communications. At school, she Web Writes about music for a student-run radio station. She is also an avid backpacker, which is where her passion for travel and the outdoors comes from. She is very passionate about social justice issues, specifically those involving women’s rights, and is excited to write content about social action across the globe. 

Mass Detention of Civilians In Ethiopia

The Ethiopian government declared a state of emergency, resulting in the detention of civilians on suspicion of cooperating with rebel terrorists.

Addis Ababa, capital of Ethiopia. DFID - UK Department for International Development  CC BY 2.0

Ethiopia has been in the throes of a civil war. The federal government, headed by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, has been fighting against Tigrayan rebels in the northwest region of the country. Recently, it appears Tigray fighters are at an advantage as they push south towards the nation’s capital. In response, the government declared a state of emergency Nov. 2 and began to roundup civilians of Tigrayian descent. Civilians with no connection to the rebels are being detained, forced from their homes, plucked off the street or at work. The United Nations stated that more than 1,000 people have been detained since the government declared the state of emergency. Additionally, they reported that 70 drivers contracted by the United Nations and agencies to deliver aid to the country have been detained by officials as well. Along with the detained drivers, 16 employees of the United Nations were detained following the state of emergency. These employees were present because the Tigray region is in desperate need of aid after airstrikes fell on the region in mid-October. The dire situation in Tigray has been labeled an ongoing humanitarian crisis. 

The civil war broke out after tensions between the Tigray’s People Liberation Front political party and the federal government came to a point. The party previously held control of the Ethiopian government for decades, until Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took office in 2018. In 2020, the T.P.L.F attacked a military base in the Tigray region, prompting the Prime Minister to order a military offensive in response. In June, the Ethiopian military was forced to withdraw from the Tigray region, marking a major defeat and subsequent turning point of the conflict. 

In July 2021, the United Nations requested access to the region because an estimated 400,000 people were experiencing famine, with another 1.8 million at risk. Additionally, 1.7 million people have been internally displaced while thousands of others have fled the country.

The state of emergency declared on Nov. 2 allows officials to search anyone’s home and arrest without a warrant solely based on suspicion of association with rebel groups. The recent arrests have included other ethnicities, but the majority of detentions have been people of Tigrayan descent. Along with the large-scale detentions, public figures allied with the government have taken to social media inciting hate speech against ethnic Tigrayans. The head of the Ethiopian government communication office stated that the detentions were not ethnically motivated, but the United Nations High Commissioner of Human Rights expressed concern at the broad terms of the recent state of emergency.

Dana Flynn

Dana is a recent graduate from Tufts University with a degree in English. While at Tufts she enjoyed working on a campus literary magazine and reading as much as possible. Originally from the Pacific Northwest, she loves to explore and learn new things.

Yemen Experiences World's Worst Humanitarian Crisis

Yemen’s ongoing civil war has left 24 million in need of assistance and more than 100,000 dead since the conflict began in late 2014. Today, Yemen is considered the world’s worst humanitarian crisis and is on the brink of being labeled by the United Nations as the world’s worst famine in 100 years. 

A hungry Yemeni child eats a food bag. USAID_IMAGES. CC BY-NC 2.0.

Hunger, malnutrition, famine, displacement and mental health issues are among some of the devastating consequences imposed upon Yemeni civilians by the country’s civil war. Although the conflict between Yemeni President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi’s government and the Houthi, or Ansar Allah, armed movement broke out in late 2014, Yemen was already one of the most vulnerable countries in the Middle East.

Following the Arab Spring in late 2011, previous Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh was forced to turn over his power to his deputy, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi. Since then, the country has been enthralled in a civil war which has left millions of civilians hungry homeless, or dead. Houthi forces took over Sana’a, the capital of Yemen, in late 2014, instigating the war. By early 2015, Houthi officials declared mobilization to overthrow Hadi’s regime and, only a day later, fighting broke out in Lahij Governorate. Lahij Governorate quickly succumbed to Houthi rule and President Hadi fled the nation. 

With the help of the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia created a coalition of mostly Sunni Arab states to combat Houthi forces and the rise of Iranian influence in the Middle East in 2015. Today, much of the conflict in Yemen is a proxy conflict for the power struggle between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the region. 

The Arab coalition conducted countless air campaigns to drive out Houthi forces from Yemen and facilitate the return of Hadi’s government, despite the trail of destruction these air strikes leave behind. Funerals, weddings, homes, mosques, schools and hospitals have all fallen victim to these bombs. In response to an attack on Saudi Arabia’s eastern oil fields—which disrupted nearly five percent of the world’s global oil supply—Saudi Arabia spearheaded a bombing campaign. According to the Yemen Data Project, the conflict and air strikes since 2015 left around 17,000 Yemeni civilians dead or injured, as of March of 2019. 

According to the United Nations, Yemen remains the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. With over 100,000 people killed and 85,000 children dead from famine, the UN warned that millions of Yemenis could face starvation in what could be “the world’s worst famine in 100 years.” Currently, 16.2 million Yemenis are food insecure while famine continues to rise; child malnutrition there is one of the highest in the world, with two million children in need of acute malnutrition assistance; and at least one child dies of malnutrition or diarrhea every 10 minutes in Yemen. 

Displacement is another major consequence of the war in Yemen. With more than five million people estimated to have been forced to flee their homes, four million Yemenis remain displaced today. These displaced families live in camps of makeshift shelters, forcing them to continue moving around and making them vulnerable to severe weather conditions, air strikes and other dangers. In addition to the overwhelming number of displaced and homeless Yemenis, the nation is also home to around 300,000 refugees mostly from the Horn of Africa.

The devastating impacts of Yemen’s ongoing war does not stop at the physical realm—consequences of the violence have affected the mental health of Yemeni youth. According to Columbia Global Centers’ PGIF Project, a 25-year-old living in Yemen today “has already lived through 15 major conflicts and wars,” making depression, PTSD and other mental health disorders common in Yemen’s youth. Considering the lack of infrastructure and medical facilities already in Yemen, mental health concerns are pushed to the backburner. With roughly one psychiatrist per 500,000 people, only three mental health hospitals exist in Yemen. The lack of mental health services and resources has forced individuals who battle with mental health issues to turn to alternate methods of help, such as Quranic healing, while professional help is reserved for more extreme disorders, such as psychosis. 

PTSD is one of the most common products of war, and this is evident with  Yemeni children. Growing up with bombs dropping all around them, PTSD in Yemeni civilians and children is often triggered by loud noises and the sounds of planes whooshing overhead. Behavioral changes such as bedwetting, isolating oneself and emotional detachment are common consequences of PTSD in children. 

Beyond death by air strike or on-the-ground fighting, many Yemenis have lost their lives to hunger and diseases because of restrictions on humanitarian assistance, imports and access to essential services. Because of this, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres refers to Yemen’s crisis as “man-made.” Many third party nations, organizations and institutions have requested the warring countries involved to improve civilian protection, but have experienced little success. Now, many activists have taken to social media to garner support and aid for Yemen’s children, as well as raise awareness of Yemen’s situation—for being the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, Yemen is often underrepresented in the media.

GET INVOLVED

Despite the restrictions on humanitarian aid in Yemen, there are still ways to help. Save the Children is one of the largest organizations operating in Yemen and is currently aiding children suffering from malnutrition, supporting health facilities in hard-to-reach areas and leading educational programs. 

The international organization, World Food Programme, aims to provide 13 million people with food assistance across Yemen. To accomplish this goal and ensure their efforts are uninterrupted in 2021, the WFP is seeking to raise $1.9 billion. 

The Danish Refugee Council offers partnership opportunities to private companies, where partners will have the opportunity to help solve the global displacement crisis. The DNC is a trusted partner of the United Nations, is rated the world’s third best non-governmental organization, and is a Core Humanitarian Standards certified organization.

Mia Khatib

Mia is a rising senior at Boston University majoring in journalism and minoring in international relations. As a Palestinian-American, Mia is passionate about amplifying the voices of marginalized communities and is interested in investigative and data-driven journalism. She hopes to start out as a breaking news reporter and one day earn a position as editor of a major publication.

Rising Tensions in Ethiopia’s Tigray Region Pose Dangers for Millions

The East African country has recently been overrun by natural disasters, COVID-19 and internal violence.

A refugee camp in Ethiopia. Oberhaus. CC2.0

Rising tensions in northern Ethiopia’s Tigray region pose a severe threat for the East African country and for stability across the Horn of Africa. Most urgently, the fighting places millions of people in danger and in dire need of humanitarian assistance.  

Map of Ethiopia’s regions, with Tigray in the far north. Jfblanc. CC4.0

An Overview of the Conflict in Tigray

Ethiopia, the largest and most populous country in the Horn of Africa region, is home to many different religions, languages and ethnic groups. The recent fighting is taking place in Tigray, Ethiopia’s northernmost region along the border with Eritrea. The conflict is between Ethiopia’s central government led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The TPLF came to power in 1991 and established a coalition where Ethiopia was divided into 10 distinct regions that each had political autonomy, allowing the TPLF to become a key player in Ethiopian politics. The TPLF remained in power for 27 years until rising concerns of political corruption and human rights abuses resulted in nationwide protests. As a result, Abiy Ahmed was elected the prime minister of Ethiopia in 2018 and began to reduce the TPLF’s power. While Ahmed advocates for a strong federal government that unites all Ethiopians regardless of ethnicity, the TPLF wants more political autonomy and sees Ahmed’s central government as a hindrance to the TPLF’s political agenda. 

The current dispute began when the TPLF wanted to hold a regional election in September. Prime Minister Ahmed denied the request, since all national elections in Ethiopia were canceled due to COVID-19. Fighting began on Nov. 4 when Tigrayan forces were accused of attacking a military base belonging to Ahmed’s government. The violence in the region continues to escalate. 

Abiy Ahmed is widely recognized for brokering peace and ending a military conflict with neighboring Eritrea, an effort that resulted in Ahmed receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019. However the current escalating violence is causing the international community to raise its eyebrows. According to Kjetil Tronvoll, a scholar of Ethiopian politics at Bjorknes University College in Norway, “The Nobel Peace Prize has until recently shielded Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed from international scrutiny and criticism. However, the warfare on Tigray has opened the eyes of many diplomats to the way political power is wielded in Ethiopia.”

Rwandan President Paul Kagame (left) and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (right). Kagame. CC2.0

What is Happening Now? 

On Nov. 28, the Ethiopian army gained control of the Tigrayan regional capital of Mekelle, with Prime Minister Ahmed declaring victory shortly thereafter. However, Tigrayan forces have yet to surrender. Since the conflict began, telephone, internet and road access to the Tigray region has been suspended, making it difficult to know what is happening on the ground. Shortly after Ahmed declared victory, rockets were fired at the Eritrean capital of Asmara, where according to the U.S. embassy, “Six explosions occurred in the city at about 10:13 p.m.” The Ethiopian government has declared a six-month-long state of emergency in the Tigray region. There is concern that the conflict could exacerbate ethnic division in other parts of Ethiopia, or even spread to neighboring countries such as Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia. With the conflict having no end in sight, it is unclear to predict whether current military efforts are enough to end the fighting.

Refugee children in Ethiopia. United Nations Photo. CC2.0

Impact on Internally Displaced People and Refugees

Before the recent fighting broke out in Tigray, the region was already home to over 200,000 refugees, the majority coming from Eritrea. The current fighting is estimated to affect over 2 million people, with larger estimates of up to 9 million. As many as 43,000 have already fled to neighboring countries, with Sudan preparing to accept as many as 200,000 refugees. Thousands of people are internally displaced in Shire, near the border with Eritrea. Aid groups are urging the Ethiopian government to allow access to roads crucial to the Tigray region. This year has been especially difficult in Ethiopia, as a devastating locust outbreak, floods and the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic have ravaged the country. According to the International Rescue Committee, the most important thing that can be done by forces is to adhere to international law, ensure that schools, hospitals and homes are not targets, and allow humanitarian aid to get to where it is needed. 

To Get Involved:

Check out the International Rescue Committee, a global aid and development organization providing crucial humanitarian assistance to communities in Tigray, here. 


Click here to access the website of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which is working to establish a new shelter site for Tigrayan refugees in Sudan.

Megan Gürer

Megan is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

Evo Morales Returns in Triumph to Bolivia, Ending a Year in Exile

One year after he stepped down amid a contested election, the popular left-wing leader is back. Will he be content with his supporters’ love, or will he seek power as well?

Evo Morales waving the Wiphala, a symbol for South America’s Indigenous people. Brasil de Fato. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

Exiled leaders rarely return so triumphantly. Evo Morales, president of Bolivia for 14 years before fleeing the country in November 2019, greeted a jubilant crowd when he crossed the border from Argentina and trekked to his home province of Chapare. Many expected a more forceful return, perhaps a march to the seat of government in La Paz. Rather, Morales traveled to where he started his political career at the precise moment when that career seems set to either end or begin again. 

If Morales plans to kick-start a new phase in his political career, he reenters in a much better position than when he started. Born to a poor family in the Orinoca region in 1959, his family moved with countless other families from the highland altiplanos to work on lowland coca farms, which provided poor Bolivians the best shot at a livable wage. The young Evo became a union leader, fiercely advocating for the rights of farmers when the United States’ war on drugs demanded the Bolivian government slash its supply of coca, its most profitable crop. In Bolivia, people chew on it or brew tea, but one ton of leaves can be refined into two pounds of cocaine base paste. 

A farmer pruning coca. Erik Cleves Kristensen. CC BY 2.0.

Morales’ experiences there fostered a brand of politics staunchly devoted to the poor and Indigenous communities through the institution of socialism. He joined and soon transformed the Movement for Socialism party (MAS) and became a one-term congressman. After leading violent street altercations that forced two presidents to resign, his ambitions expanded to the national realm. In 2006, the Bolivian people voted him in as president, beginning a 14-year-long tenure which would prove revolutionary.

For one, he was the first Indigenous president since the country’s independence in 1825. In a nation that is 42% Indigenous, this seems strange, but centuries of colonization and racism led to a society of haves and have-nots. An ethnic Aymara, Morales expanded MAS’s appeal to all Indigenous people, chafing many Whites and Mestizos who supported MAS in far fewer numbers. Some Indigenous communities found Morales’ embrace of Indigenous peoples hollow; he allowed drilling in forest reserves and expanded the amount of land settlers could clear. 

Man without a plan. Alain Bachellier. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. 

Most of all, however, he presided over what many view as an economic miracle. Morales’ government reduced by two-thirds the amount of people living on less than $1.90 a day, the World Bank’s definition of extreme poverty. The high price of petroleum, another of Bolivia’s largest exports, allowed his administration to invest heavily in innovation and modernization. The widespread prosperity led many to ignore Morales’ authoritarian streak. He would often jail critics and journalists while piling lawsuits on his political rivals.

But when Morales ran for a fourth term against constitutional term limits, opponents found it unforgivable. A pause in vote-counting led many to believe he planned to rig the election, so thousands stormed the streets to protest the election results. Clashes broke out between pro- and anti-Morales protesters; 36 people died amid the violence. Once the military “recommended” Morales step down, he boarded a plane to Mexico and left Bolivia in the hands of little-known senator Jeanine Anez. 

She was a right-wing politician with exactly the opposite views of Morales. Where he proudly represented Indigenous peoples, Anez called them “savages.” (In his triumphant return, Morales sarcastically quipped, “The Bolivian right and the global right should know: the savages are back in government.”) Anez presided over an economic slump due to political unrest and COVID-19. She governed for 11 months before the electorate put in office Morales’ own protege Luis Arce.

Morales’ protege Luis Arce. Casa de América. CC By-NC-ND 2.0.

A bland, uncharismatic technocrat, Arce won broad appeal precisely because he was Morales’ choice. He engineered the economy during Morales’ presidency, so he can take credit for much of Bolivia’s prosperity. His support from the former president may prove both a blessing and a curse, however. He will struggle to distance himself from a controversial figure who still holds strong sway over MAS. His primary responsibility will be to maintain distance from Morales to the greatest extent possible.

For the time being, however, Morales will enjoy his warm welcome home. Crowds gleefully waved the Wiphala, a colorful checkered flag representing Indigenous peoples. Supporters dressed in their finest, most colorful Indigenous attire to celebrate his homecoming. Luis Arce neither met him in Chapare nor sent him a word of greeting. So far they hold no communication. For the sake of Bolivia’s democracy, many hope it will stay that way. 

Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Unpacking the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and the Armenian Diaspora

The renewed conflict in the South Caucasus region has its roots in long-standing historical divisions between Turkey and Armenia. 

A view of Mount Ararat. West. CC2.0

Tensions between Azerbaijan and Armenia have been renewed due to the ongoing territorial dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh. Fighting started up again on Sept. 27 and has caused massive upheaval and casualties on both sides. Backed by Turkey, the Azerbaijani military bombed Nagorno-Karabakh’s regional capital of Stepanakert with intense artillery fire, while Armenia launched missiles at Ganja (Azerbaijan’s second-largest city), putting citizens in grave danger. Officials speculate that the last two weeks of fighting have proven to be the worst since a cease-fire was brokered by Russia in 1994. Although another cease-fire is a possibility, there is no prediction of what will come next. “Don’t discount the possibility of this turning into something much larger,” said Kevork Oskanian from the University of Birmingham in England. “Once a conflict like this kicks off, it has a dynamic of its own and you don’t know where it will go.”

A Brief History of the Nagorno-Karabakh Dispute

A map of the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Achemish. Wikimedia Commons. CC4.0

The recent fighting is a result of a renewed 32-year-long military conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, also known as Artsakh to Armenians, contains a population of about 150,000. Although completely surrounded by Muslim-majority Azerbaijan, it is governed and claimed by Christian Armenians. Josef Stalin gave the territory to Azerbaijan in 1921 and made it an autonomous region two years later. Initially, the territorial dispute was not violent, as both Armenia and Azerbaijan were under the stronghold of the Soviet Union. However, nationalistic and militaristic tensions increased between the two nations when the USSR began to dissolve. The fighting began in 1991, which resulted in 30,000 casualties and over one million displaced. Although a cease-fire was agreed to in 1994, no official peace deal has been reached. Armenia is happier with the status quo than Azerbaijan, as it was able to reclaim 20% of surrounding land during the fighting in the ‘90s (shown in yellow on the map above). However, Azerbaijan still has a large population of people displaced by the fighting who want to return to their homes. 

Why Turkey is Supporting Azerbaijan

Azerbaijani and Turkish flags in Izmir, Turkey. Anzola. CC 2.0

Azerbaijan is often referred to as a little brother to Turkey, due to the two nations’ connections through cultural, linguistic and religious ties.The two have a relationship built on trade and mutual exchange. Azerbaijan provides a large portion of Turkey’s gas and oil, where the money in return is used to buy weapons from Turkey. Azerbaijan is currently using military weapons provided by Turkey to strike Nagorno-Karabakh, allowing Turkey to increase its political presence in the region. Underpinning Turkey’s involvement in the conflict are the events of 1915, where 1.5 million Armenians were killed under the direction of the Ottoman Empire (present-day Turkey), which many consider a genocide but Turkey denies. Many Armenians see Azerbaijan’s alliance with Turkey as a resurfacing of these events, providing an ultimate threat to their existence and statehood. 

The Conflict Reaches the Armenian Diaspora

An Armenian church in Los Angeles. Steeds. CC2.0

Although Armenia has a population of 3 million, the diaspora population is estimated to be much larger, with notable communities in Australia, Russia, Lebanon, France and Southern California. Although the events of 1915 resulted in mass migrations of Armenians around the world, the diaspora goes as far back as the Middle Ages. Throughout history, many Armenians migrated to new corners of the world due to political upheaval. Armenian merchants often traveled to trade and sell wares, playing a key role in the economies of China, India and Persia. Armenia’s long history of migration and displacement has resulted in a strengthened cultural identity in diaspora communities. Many notable Armenian celebrities, including Kim Kardashian and Serj Tankian, are strong proponents of the Armenian cause, posting on social media to raise awareness of the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute. Armenian lobby groups have held protests in Southern California, as well as asking Armenian-Americans to bring awareness of the conflict to representatives and congresspeople. Some Armenians even contemplate returning to their country to fight Azerbaijan. According to Alex Galitsky, part of the Armenian National Committee of America’s western region, “I think a lot of people see themselves as bearing some responsibility for the defense of our nation.” 

The conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh continues to escalate as nationalistic and militaristic tendencies fuel both sides. True peace will only be reached if Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan are willing to begin the difficult work of listening and embracing each other’s conflicting histories and narratives.

Megan Gürer

Megan is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

ClimbAID Fosters Growth in Refugee Children Through Rock Climbing

The organization started in 2016 and now has projects in Switzerland and Lebanon.

The physical and mental challenge of climbing can have many therapeutic benefits. Pablo Benedito. CC BY-NC 4.0.

ClimbAID, a non-profit organization that works with refugees, operates a moving rock wall in Lebanon. The project, A Rolling Rock, was unleashed in a pilot session in 2017 and has shown great promise. Using climbing as an alternative therapy is not all that new but is often limited due to lack of access to climbing areas. The prevalence of gyms and surge of support for indoor climbing and bouldering is making climbing more accessible, but only for those that can afford it. A Rolling Rock fixes this by bringing the climbing directly to the kids. Because it is bouldering it requires less gear than top-rope climbing allowing for lower costs. In addition, it removes barriers of transporting children without papers through military controlled regions.

One-third of Lebanon’s population is refugees. Since the Syrian war started in 2011, 1.5 million Syrian refugees remain in the country. Lebanon’s security is a balance of political and cultural importance. After their own 15-year civil war mostly spurred by unequal representation of the three main religious groups in the country, Lebanon found a solution that works only with equal populations of Sunni Muslims, Shiite Muslims, and Christians. It has functioned this way since the 1990s. The 2 million refugees now residing within Lebanon’s boarders are almost all Sunni Muslim, having fled Syria or Palestine. If the refugees can never return home, this would greatly upset the delicate balance currently supporting the government. Additionally, the country is facing an extreme economic downfall, much of which is blamed on Syrian refugees. The country even started deporting refugees for the first time this past May.

ClimbAID hopes that by providing an outlet for refugee children, most of whom are not in school, and to encourage common ground and bonding between different groups in Lebanon, that the xenophobia might begin to decrease. Additionally, climbing has been found to be beneficial in fighting mental health issues and trauma. A study done in 2005 found that climbing reduced symptoms of anxiety, depression, and PTSD. Climbing has been incorporated into wilderness-based therapy programs and small non-profits in the US such as Sacred Rok, an organization working in Yosemite Valley with at-risk youth. Their potential is still being researched but many studies have continued to release positive results.

ClimbAID’s program in Switzerland has seen good results as well. In 2018, they had on average six climbing sessions a week. They too have faced issues with decreases in government support to refugees. There is now a gap of social integration programs for refugees within Switzerland. Climbing can help fill the hole left by changes in governmental policies and can encourage bonding and German language skills.

Most importantly, though, ClimbAID provides a space where children that have been displaced, have experienced deep trauma, and now live well below the poverty line in a country where they are not completely welcomed, are accepted, where they can have fun, and a place where they can excel. This is extremely beneficial in building confidence and social skills that are necessary for having a promising future.

DEVIN O’DONNELL’s interest in travel was cemented by a multi-month trip to East Africa when she was 19. Since then, she has continued to have immersive experiences on multiple continents. Devin has written for a start-up news site and graduated from the University of Michigan with a degree in Neuroscience.