Israel and Palestine: Divergent Histories of Travel and War

One year after the Oct. 7 attacks, Israel and Palestine’s respective travel landscapes reveal just how differently the two countries are experiencing the ongoing war.

A street vendor in Jerusalem. Ronen Marcus. CC BY 4.0

Boasting ancient holy sites like the Western Wall and natural attractions like the Dead Sea, Israel brands itself as a popular travel destination for both the spiritual and the secular tourist. In 2023, the Israeli Ministry of Tourism reported over 32 million travelers. Palestine, meanwhile, saw 2.5 million visitors between January and early October 2023, according to the Palestinian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities. While disparate, these numbers reflect a larger pattern in the long history of travel to the region.

Before the Zionist movement (an effort to create a Jewish state through colonization) emerged in the late 19th century, trips to historic Palestine, “the Holy Land,” were almost exclusively religious in nature. After several failed attempts to create a Jewish state, Zionists set their sights on historic Palestine due to the area’s alignment with the biblical land of Israel. To bolster their efforts, Zionists turned to tourism, recognizing that travel to Palestine could help boost immigration and help establish a Jewish presence in the majority-Arab region. Further, Zionists gathered that if they kept promoting tourism, they could perhaps convince secular visitors that this Jewish presence was inherently more valuable and historic, thereby granting it a perception of legitimacy and therefore protection. Desiring to entrench themselves in Palestine, Zionists spent the early 20th century advertising access to biblical Jewish sites, propaganda that continues to prove effective even after Israel’s establishment in 1948.

Posters promoting travel to historic Palestine. (L) 1936. (R) 1940s. CC BY 4.0

Israel enjoys a lucrative tourism industry, seeing more than 32 million travelers and $5 billion in revenue in 2023 alone, according to the Israeli Ministry of Tourism. However, following the immediate aftermath of the Oct. 7 attacks, these numbers plummeted. Flights to Israel were canceled as international airlines and government officials raised safety and security concerns. Traveler rates dropped accordingly. “When the war began, everything stopped,” Israeli tour guide Moshe Benishu said, as reported by The Jerusalem Post. “Not a single tourist arrived in Israel.” Reuters reported 99,000 traveler entries to Israel for the rest of October 2023 and just 39,000 that November. To put this slump into context, the number of monthly entrants into Israel before Oct. 7, 2023, averaged above 300,000. 

In recent months, Israel has seen its traveler rates partially recover, tallying 68,100 tourist entrants in February 2024 and 79,500 in March. “Since the beginning of 2024, 400,000 tourists entered the country,” Keren Setton reported for The Media Line in May 2024. During the same January-May period in 2023, Israel saw two million entrants. But still, the monthly rates of 2024 so far mark an increase compared to the last quarter of 2023. “We Israelis are good at reinventing ourselves,” Benishu said. Slowly but surely, things are returning to form in Israel. The same cannot be said for Palestine. 

Since the onset of the war, Palestine’s territories, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, (both occupied by Israel since 1967) have been devastated with next-to-no reprieve. As of Sep. 29, 2024, Palestinian health authorities have attributed more than 41,500 Palestinian deaths to Israel’s air and ground campaign in Gaza alone, though violence in the West Bank has spiked as well. 

Casualties in Gaza. Saleh Najm and Anas Sharif. CC BY 4.0

Infrastructure, too, has been decimated in Palestine. With hospitals, water/electric systems, houses and schools reduced to rubble, entire Palestinian communities have been destroyed and families killed in scores. As David Leonhardt summarized for The New York Times, “Israel has dropped 2,000-pound bombs on densely populated neighborhoods” with little consideration for less fatal alternatives. 

Destruction in Gaza. Saleh Najm and Anas Sharif. CC BY 4.0

As mentioned previously, the West Bank enjoyed a burgeoning tourism industry before Oct. 7. Despite Israel’s control over the flow of travelers, the Palestinian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities still reported 2.5 million visitors to the occupied enclave between January and early October 2023. Since then, however, the West Bank has not been able to recoup even 1% of this number, with the region’s tourism sector currently experiencing losses of around $2.5 million every day. In Bethlehem especially, where “tourist dollars” are “the cornerstone” of the economy, according to Haaretz, the financial hit has severely strained people’s livelihoods. “Life has been hell,” said Palestinian merchant Mahmoud Falah Sleiman. “The situation was bad even before the war started, but it was better than now. We were able to pay for electricity, food, water.”

In the Gaza Strip, tourism has been virtually nonexistent since 2007 — a consequence of Israel’s land, air and sea blockade imposed after Hamas took root there. Before Israel’s occupation of the region in 1967, Gaza was a hotspot for traveling Egyptians and Lebanese merchants. But after 1967, and especially since the 2007 blockade cut off food, water and humanitarian aid from Gaza’s two million citizens, (conditions some have likened to “collective punishment” and an “open air prison”) there’s been next-to-no tourism. Given the mass destruction of life and infrastructure in Gaza since Oct. 7, there won’t be anytime soon.

Bella Lui

Bella is a student at UC Berkeley studying English, Media Studies and Journalism. When she’s not writing or working through the books on her nightstand, you can find her painting her nails red, taking digicam photos with her friends or yelling at the TV to make the Dodgers play better.

Palestine and Picasso: The Evolution of “Guernica” as a Symbol for Peace

As an iconic anti-war symbol, “Guernica” evolves once more amid the Israel-Palestinian conflict

Guernica on display at the Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

First exhibited at the 1937 Exposition Universelle, Pablo Picasso’s “Guernica” is a mural with deeply rooted political history that extends beyond the reasoning for its inception. Commissioned by the Spanish Republican government as a work of propaganda against fascism, “Guernica” was inspired by the bombing of civilians Guernica, Spain by forces allied to Hitler. Since then, the piece has become the emblem for various anti war movements, and most recently has been adopted by those in support of Palestine.

After being exhibited at the fair in 1937, in 1939 “Guernica” made its way across various U.S. cities, and eventually was housed in the Museum of Modern Art in Manhattan for 41 years until it returned to Spain in 1981. The mural was a formidable inspiration for many American artists, such as Jackson Pollock.

Moreover, the Art Workers Coalition, a group of artists, museum staff, critics and writers, adopted “Guernica” as part of their movement against American involvement in the Vietnam War. Throughout the 60s and 70s, the group created posters featuring the mural to use alongside various slogans like, “Stop the war in Vietnam now!”

In the decades since the Vietnam War, “Guernica” has been at the root of various different protests, and was even on one occasion vandalized with the words, “kill lies all.” Most recently, the piece has been integrated into the movement for solidarity with Gaza.

This past December, a protest held at the Pasialeku Market Place in Guernica was organized by the Guernica-Palestine Citizens’ Initiative. Thousands assembled at the market and when aerially viewed, created a mosaic of the Palestinian Flag and a section of “Guernica.” The location of the protest was intentional, designed to draw similarities between the current conflict in Palestine and the civilian bombing in 1937 that served as the initial catalyst for the piece.

Though not directly related to the painting, Guernica is also a non profit literary magazine dedicated to art and global politics. The magazine features a plethora of Palestinian writers, as well as pieces on addressing the nuances of this conflict. 

Recently, however, the outlet is facing backlash for releasing an article by Joanna Chen in its March issue, entitled “From the Edges of a Broken World.” The article’s publication resulted in mass resignation of the magazine’s editors. In particular, people had issues with the following: “A neighbor told me she was trying to calm her children, who were frightened by the sound of warplanes flying over the house day and night. ‘I tell them these are good booms.’ She grimaced, and I understood the subtext, that the Israeli army was bombing Gaza,” which could be interpreted as approving of the bombardment.

Some regarded the piece as “white colonialism masquerading as goodness,” in reflection of Chen’s British origins. However, in light of the controversy, many readers seeking out the essay found no problems with its content. April Zhu, a senior editor, wrote that she believed the article did not align with an “earnest, urgent, and risky resistance to U.S. imperialism and all others,” which she felt Guernica, the magazine, embodied and was founded on.

Although Guernica’s editor-in-chief, Jina Moore, resigned on April 5 amid the backlash, she maintains that the article aligns with what the publication is known for. In her statement of resignation, she said, “I saw the piece as an example of the difficult work that Guernica is known for: capturing, with complexity and nuance, how such violence is normalized, and how a violent state extracts complicity from its citizens.” Ultimately, her decision to resign reflects her support for the article, despite the magazine maintaining its decision to retract the piece. Aligned with the history of the painting, Guernica as a magazine shows that voices can diverge, even with the goal of peace at their roots.

Nicola DeGregorio

Nicola is studying English Literature at George Washington University, where she also reports for the student newspaper, The Hatchet. Nicola's passion for literature and writing has sparked an interest in exploring the broader context surrounding written texts. Researching and writing for Catalyst Planet allows her to investigate nuanced issues that intersect with her interests in art history, culinary practices, and cultural traditions.

The Rules of War in the Israel-Hamas Conflict

Human rights organizations report on dire humanitarian conditions in Israel and Palestine, alleging violations of international law.

London Demonstration for Palestine. Alisdare Hickson. CC BY-SA 2.0 DEED

Since the escalation of violence in the conflict between Israeli forces and Palestinian armed factions, alleged violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) have surfaced. Both sides have faced criticism regarding allegations that may constitute a breach of IHL.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) describes IHL law designed to safeguard civilians and prohibit indiscriminate attacks against them. This provision is binding on all armed groups involved in a conflict, regardless of reciprocal actions. The OCHA, with this law in mind, has drawn up potential allegations against Israeli and Palestinian combatants, which take aim at Israeli military tactics and use of prohibited weapons as well as Palestinian armed groups’ conduct.

With the intensification of the violence and the number of Palestinians who have been displaced, there has been rising criticism regarding the weaponry and tactics that Israel has employed against Palestine. More serious allegations include the use of white phosphorus in well-populated areas of Gaza, which has harmful effects on human tissue. This, among other tactics such as blockades and airstrikes, have resulted in high civilian casualties, raising questions with regard to the potential for indiscriminate suffering and collective punishment.

Palestinian actors have also breached rules of IHL. Human Rights Watch reports that armed groups, such as Hamas, have used indiscriminate rocket firing into Israeli territories, giving reason to accuse those involved of targeting Israeli civilians specifically, warranting a war crime.

Apart from OCHA, other human rights organizations have also begun to contend the violence as war crime and collective punishment. Amnesty International, an organization focused on human rights, has found Israel’s system of governing Palestinians in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories to be oppressive and discriminatory. Citing the forced eviction of thousands of Palestinians, use of arbitrary detention by Israeli authorities and torture or ill-treatment of civilians, Amnesty has expressed the belief that Israel’s actions constitute a system of aparthied under international law. 

The International Federation For Human Rights (FIDH) has additionally expressed concern over the targeting of civilians and human rights violations in Israel and the occupied territories. From the gathered evidence of human rights abuses, FIDH has acknowledged a tightened system of apartheid by Israel, involving the displacement of Palestinians in the West Bank, denial of freedom of movement and incidents of torture, all amounting to crimes against humanity. As of November 2023, Israel held close to 7,000 Palestinians that, with restrictions on water and overcrowded conditions, subjected detainees to what is now being considered ill-treatment and collective punishment. Tal Steiner, executive director of the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel, commented on the treatment of Palestinian detainees, saying that “Punitive detention conditions, arbitrary violence and humiliation of detainees and the intentional infliction of torture, should all be absolutely prohibited and unacceptable.”

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has become involved with the conflict as a potential route for prosecuting those accused of war crime and human rights abuses. Israel has argued that the ICC does not have jurisdiction because of its views regarding Palestine’s statehood, however, the mandate by ICC has gathered international support as viable protection against war crimes. The collection of evidence gathered by human rights organizations has aided in the investigation by the ICC, and the pursuit of accountability in this current situation has been viewed as one of the most crucial steps in ending the violence.

Both the Israeli and Palestinian governments and terrorist organizations like Hamas are responsible for upholding human rights, regardless of the applicability of international law in the case of the conflict between the two. Those infractions adjudicated as war crimes may be subject to legal repercussions, but as the international community awaits further development, accountability as an avenue for resolution remains integral.

Mira White

Mira is a student at Brown University studying international and public affairs. Passionate about travel and language learning, she is eager to visit each continent to better understand the world and the people across it. In her free time she perfects her French, hoping to someday live in France working as a freelance journalist or in international affairs.

The War on Journalists in the Israel-Hamas War

The Israel-Hamas War is the deadliest conflict for journalists in 30 years, at least 83 journalists have been confirmed dead.

Al Jazeera’s Gaza crew and journalists. Global Panorama. CC BY-SA 2.0 DEED

Since the start of the Israel-Hamas war on October 7, there has been an unprecedented amount of journalist death and injury. Facing high risks to cover the unfolding conflict without guaranteed safety, this war has claimed more journalists than any other in the last 30 years.

As of January 24, at least 83 journalists and media workers have been confirmed dead. Among them, 76 were Palestinian, four Israeli and three Lebanese, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). Similarly, the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) reported an estimated 94 journalists that have been killed and 400 others imprisoned. IFJ has called on the International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutors to investigate the deaths of these journalists, though Israel has argued that the ICC has no jurisdiction in the conflict because the Palestinian territories are not an independent sovereign state.

The Israel-Gaza war has become the most deadly conflict for members of the press. In 2022, 15 journalists were killed in Ukraine, 30 in Latin America and at least five in Haiti, making the amount of journalists killed in Gaza in just a few months of war greater than all of those killed worldwide in 2022. Because of such an increase, some believe that journalists are being explicitly targeted for the information that they aim to provide to the public.

On November 21, correspondent Farah Omar and cameraman Rabih al-Maamari were killed in Lebanon by two missiles fired by an Israeli warplane. The Al-Mayadeen TV channel that the broadcasters worked for announced that they were covering back and forth fire on the Tayr Harfa/Al-Jebin triangle in Southern Lebanon between Israeli forces and Hezbollah when they were hit. In a statement, the TV channel said that it believes its journalists were deliberately targeted for its — the channel’s — pro-Palestinian views. In a separate statement, Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati alleged that the Israeli strike was an attempt to silence the media.

Consequently, the CPJ has accused the Israeli military of targeting journalists in Gaza. One instance includes Al Jazeera camera operator Samir Abudaqa, who was injured during a drone strike and forced to take shelter in a UN school. Those who tried to help Abudaqa to get him to safety were shot and Abudaqa died due to his injuries. 

Other journalists have reported similar instances, but where their families have been targeted. Anas Al-Sharif, Al Jazeera journalist, told the news channel of phone calls that he had received from the Israeli army instructing him to cease his news coverage and leave Gaza. Following these threats, Al-Sharif’s father was killed by an Israeli airstrike on his home. Such death and violence resulted in a report last May by the CPJ that documented a “deadly pattern” of journalists deaths by Israeli forces; a pattern of killing journalists that was observed even before the latest conflict in Gaza.

Across global media there has been outrage over a lack of accountability of Israel’s killing of journalists in Gaza. In the United States some journalists have held vigils for fallen colleagues, but there has been an overall lack of public commentary from journalistic institutions themselves. Staff at the Los Angeles Times displayed their solidarity with fellow journalists in Gaza by signing an open letter condemning the killings and criticizing Western media’s lack of coverage of Israel’s actions. The paper subsequently suspended these staff members from coverage of the war for what LA Times cited as a violation of its ethics policy. This outcome has caused some journalists to remove their names from the letter, fearing reprisal from their workplaces, and left others questioning the Biden administration's support of press freedom and Israeli accountability.

Journalists have additionally reported feeling less safe wearing a press vest and that being identified as a member of the fourth estate could make them or their families targets for Israeli forces. 

These patterns of violence have left journalists in a precarious situation that has broader global implications. Without being able to report what is going on in Gaza, the role of these journalists only becomes more vital. Millions of people have relied on the accurate information provided by journalists to understand this conflict, and without them are left only with misinformation that may instead fuel it further.

Mira White

Mira is a student at Brown University studying international and public affairs. Passionate about travel and language learning, she is eager to visit each continent to better understand the world and the people across it. In her free time she perfects her French, hoping to someday live in France working as a freelance journalist or in international affairs.

Women at the Western Wall

This organization is working to break down traditional gender barriers to create a communal space for women and men to pray together at Jerusalem’s Western Wall.

The Western Wall Chris Yunker. CC BY 2.0

Located in Jerusalem’s ancient Old City, the Western Wall marks a central point of religious and spiritual life for millions of Jews, Christians, and Muslims across the world. The wall is believed to mark the only remaining structure of the Temple Mount, the place of the original Temples for the Jewish people, the first of which was destroyed by the Babylonians in 586 BCE and the Second Temple by the Romans in 70 CE.

The Western Wall is also referred to as the Kotel, which is just the Hebrew word for “wall,” and as the Wailing Wall in reference to the manner in which the Jewish people wept at the site during the Roman domination of the Levant. The Wall remains a pivotal place of Jewish history and religious life, with thousands visiting the site daily and leaving prayer notes in the stone crevices.

However, in recent years, the Western Wall has also been at the center of religious debates concerning traditional gender separation. For generations, men and women have visited and prayed at the Western Wall in separate sections, the measures of which are not equal. Stretching just 12 meters in width, the women’s section 36 meters short of-the male side.

Women of the Wall

Woman praying at the Wall. it is elisa. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

An organization called Women of the Wall (WOW) is working to increase women’s rights and equality at the Western Wall. The organization’s first meeting occurred in 1988, with 70 Jewish women gathering at the Western Wall to join together in prayer and the Torah reading, where they were met with stark disapproval and verbal assaults from Orthodox Jewish men and women. The event led to WOW’s founding and beginning of its legal fight to empower women to pray at the Western Wall, going against Orthodox norms.

By drawing on systems of social advocacy, education and empowerment WOW is seeking social and legal acceptance of women’s right to wear prayer shawls and to pray and read aloud from the Torah. The group’s mission advocates for women’s right with regards to the four t’s: the right to say a prayer, or Tefillah, the right to wear traditional leather wraps, or Tefillin, that are inscribed with verses from the Torah, the right to wear prayer shawls known as Tallit, and finally the right to read aloud from the Torah.

Along with its advocacy work, WOW regularly gathers together in community at the Western Wall. The group commemorates Rosh Chodesh, a Jewish holiday that marks the new moon at the beginning of each month in the Hebrew calendar, with a collective morning prayer at the Kotel. The holiday is traditionally connected to a celebration of women, with origins dating back to the time of Moses when wives refused to give up their jewelry to build the golden calf, a symbol of sin and idolatry in the Torah.

While these monthly prayer gatherings are a means of celebrating Jewish women’s spiritual life and collective community, they are often met with violence and aggression. The women of WOW are often double searched at the entrance to ensure that they are not smuggling in a Torah, and the group regularly face physical and verbal aggression from the Ultra Orthodox community, an experience that often leaves them with scars and bruises after their day of prayer.

Members of WOW are accustomed to receiving verbal and physical pushback against their cause, and even being spit on by those who view their message as sacrilegious.

A Legal Battle

In 1988 the Ministry of Religion established The Western Wall Foundation, a government body responsible for the care and administration of the Western Wall. Rabbi Shmuel Rabinovitch has served as chairman of the foundation since 1995 and has been known for his efforts to maintain traditional Orthodox customs at the Wall. Rabbi Rabinowitz has criticized WOW’s work in the past, including in 2014 when he spoke out against  activists efforts to smuggle a Torah into the women’s section of the Wall. 

In spite of women’s legal right to read the Torah, Rabbi Rabinovitch has created regulations that prevent women from bringing in Torahs into the Plaza. Furthermore, Rabbi Rabinovitch’s regulations prevent women from borrowing one of the 200 Torah scrolls kept within the Plaza, which are freely offered to men. 

In April 2013, a decision written by Judge Moshe Sobell in the case of Israel Police v. Lesley Sachs, Bonnie Riva Ras, Sylvie Rozenbaum, R. Valerie Stessin, & Sharona Kramer, found that the Israeli Supreme Court’s 2003 case which prohibited women from wearing prayer shawls or reading from the Torah had been misinterpreted, and could not be applied to WOW. Judge Sobell also found that WOW had not endangered the public peace, nor had it violated the Law of Holy Places governing the Western Wall that demands visitors adhere to the local customs. Instead, the ruling dictated that local customs should be determined by the public through  nationalistic and pluralistic lenses in addition to the Orthodox one.

The 2013 court decision helped spur ongoing discussions regarding communal prayer spaces at the Wall. In 2013, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu appointed a committee chaired by Natan Sharansky to resolve the issue of communal prayer at the Wall. Sharansky proposed to extend the Western Wall plaza to an area known as Robinson’s Arch in order to provide a pluralistic prayer space for both men and women. The area can accommodate some 450 people, and was seen in many ways as a temporary solution to the question of mixed-gendered prayer. 

In January 2016, the Israeli government approved a plan to set up a communal space in which both men and women could pray together. The plan will also give women who want to pray alone but not in accordance with Orthodox rules the option to set up a temporary barrier. 

The new area is expected to double the size of the temporary communal prayer area set up in 2013 under Netanyahu, in order to accommodate 1,200 worshippers. 

The fight for communal prayer spaces remains a contentious issue between Orthodox and Reformed communities. Although the plan for a pluralistic prayer space was passed by the Knesset, Israel’s legislature, in 2016, as of 2023 the construction and implementation have not yet begun. The issue remains a top priority for members of WOW, who will continue to pray at the Wall’s women’s section until a pluralistic prayer space is constructed.

Get Involved

Other organizations in Israel have come out in support of WOW and embraced a pluralistic perspective towards religious traditions. 

Rabbi Danny Rich, a chief executive of Liberal Judaism, celebrated the decision for a communal prayer space as one that represented Judaism’s inclusivity. Through education opportunities, social action campaigns, collaborative interfaith work, and its provision of programming and library of historical archives, Liberal Judaism engages with social justice issues such as climate change, inequality, and poverty.  

The Israel Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism has also praised the women’s representation at the Western Wall, as an exemplification of pluralism and diversity within Jewish community. The Movement seeks to increase the accessibility of progressive and pluralistic Judaism through education programming as well as legislation changes as part of their Israel Religious Action Center (IRAC). Along with their advocacy work, the IRAC offers resources and publications that engage with modern social issues through a progressive and religious lens. 

Jessica Blatt

Jessica Blatt graduated from Barnard College with a degree in English. Along with journalism, she is passionate about creative writing and storytelling that inspires readers to engage with the world around them. She hopes to share her love for travel and learning about new cultures through her work.

What Is Killing the Dead Sea?

Industrialization and restricted water flow have led the Dead Sea to shrink, throwing its survival into question. 

Dead Sea Shoreline. Jan Helebrant. CC0 1.0

As a landmark of the ancient world, the Dead Sea, which lies between East Jordan and the West Bank, has long been a staple for international travel. Every year, more than 800,000 people travel to the Dead Sea where they can experience the lowest point on earth and the salt lake’s extremely high salinity levels, which allow travelers to float easily on the surface while looking out on the desert’s beauty. While many travelers make the journey for the unique and thrilling experience of floating in the Dead Sea, others journey with the hope that the water will cure health ailments, including chronic skin diseases such as psoriasis and eczema. 

The area surrounding the Dead Sea is a place of cultural and religious importance, and has been featured as a sacred site in Islamic, Christian, and Jewish stories. Some Muslims believe that Moses is buried at Nabi Musa, a hilltop mosque off the main road of Jerusalem overlooking the northern edge of the Dead Sea. In Christianity, Jesus’ baptism in the Jordan River was believed to have occurred after he traveled from Galilee down through the Dead Sea. And in the Judean Desert, on a peak overlooking the Dead Sea, sits fortress Masada, a spot in which a community of nearly 1,000 Jewish Israelites committed suicide in A.D. 73 in order to avoid surrender to the Romans. 

The Dead Sea is not only an important cultural and historical site, but an environmental one as well. Some 500 million birds, representing about 300 different species, fly through the area during a biannual migration moving from Africa to Europe. And nearby desert mountains serve as home to ibexes and hyraxes.

In recent decades, the Dead Sea has been facing serious environmental dangers that threaten to make it, and the cultural and historic importance it carries, disappear forever. Within the past fifty years, the Dead Sea has shrunk by over a third of its original size, a rate that experts believe may lead it to completely disappear by the year 2050. The changes are already being felt on an annual level in the area, with the sea receding by more than a meter each year. 

Increased Industrialization

Dead Sea Sinkhole. Ziva & Amir. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

For generations, the Dead Sea was maintained by a careful equilibrium in which evaporation was offset by fresh water coming in from nearby streams and rivers. However, in the 1960s, a massive pumping station built by Israel on the banks of the Sea of Galilee re-directed the flow of water. Fresh water from the upper part of Jordan that had been feeding into the Dead Sea was moved into a pipeline to supply water across Israel. It and other industrial projects have led the Dead Sea to receive only about 5% of its original water inflow. 

With these fresh water lines being redirected, the Dead Sea has been unable to make up for its high evaporation rates. Today, it receives only about 10% of the 160 billion gallons of water it would need annually to maintain its current size.

Sinkholes

A sink by the Dead Sea. CC BY-SA 2.0

Erosion of the land surrounding the Dead Sea and limited water flow has led to the creation of dangerous sinkholes in the surrounding area. 

When underground salt deposits caused by receding salt water combine with fresh water from flash floods, the salt deposits dissolve, and form a kind of cavern that eventually causes the ground to collapse. Reaching depths of over 30 feet, sinkholes surrounding the Dead Sea pose a danger to surrounding communities and farmlands. Today, locals of communities must avoid the over 3000 sinkholes on the western side of the Dead Sea. 

Cosmetics

Dead Sea. WebsThatSell. CC BY-NC 2.0

Another potential major source of harm to the Dead Sea lies with the cosmetic industry and beauty products that have been built around the Dead Sea’s mineral supply. The Dead Sea cosmetics market has grown to a massive industry, valued by Allied Market Research at $723.00 million in 2021, with predicted growth to $2.6 billion by 2031. 

Al-Haq, a Palestinian human rights organization, is seeking to combat the exploitation of the Dead Sea’s natural resources. In their 2012 report labeled, “Pillage of the Dead Sea”, al-Haq brought attention to the exploitation of Palestinian land and natural resources by the Israeli government and the resulting environmental damage. 

A major player in the Dead Sea cosmetics industry is Ahava Dead Sea Laboratories. The company, which began in 1988, has annual sales at almost $150 million.

In its report, al-Haq advocates for the restrictions from the European Union on Israeli products from Israeli settlements in Palestine as well as for the Israeli government to withdraw the mud mining permission that was granted to Ahava Dead Sea Laboratories in 2004. The group also demands that private cosmetic companies provide more information about the origins of their products and their environmental impact in order to allow consumers to make better informed decisions.

Get Involved 

In the wake of an ecological crisis, environmental organizations are working to bring awareness and protection to the issues facing the Dead Sea. Founded in 1994, EcoPeace Middle East brings together Jordanian, Palestinian, and Israeli environmentalists in order to coordinate their activism. The organization is working to protect the Dead Sea with a three step plan of action: inclusion of the Dead Sea as a UNESCO World Heritage site, creating a rehabilitation plan to replace the water flow that has been diverted from the Jordan River, and ensuring that the Israeli government places a public trust obligation on companies that receive concessions to extract Dead Sea minerals.

Jessica Blatt

Jessica Blatt graduated from Barnard College with a degree in English. Along with journalism, she is passionate about creative writing and storytelling that inspires readers to engage with the world around them. She hopes to share her love for travel and learning about new cultures through her work.

‘Israel’s Most Racist Soccer Club’ Gets an Arab Owner

Fans are none too pleased. Beitar Jerusalem faces a tough fight against bigotry in its ranks.

A Beitar Jerusalem player, right, tries to keep up. Steindy. CC BY-SA 3.0. 

Most sports fans would rejoice at such a deal. Beitar Jerusalem, an Israeli soccer team, got a new owner who pledged a $100 million investment in the team over the coming 10 years. Such a whopping sum of money could buy plenty of talent to buoy the team, which hasn’t won the Israeli Premier League since 2008. Instead of glee, though, many fans felt rage. One diehard spray-painted on the team’s stadium wall, “The war has just begun.” The reason was simple: the new owner was Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Nahyan, an Arab Muslim, and the team was Beitar Jerusalem, notoriously known as “the most racist team in Israel.” 

Heckling Arab players is part and parcel of the stadium experience. Fans regularly shout “terrorist” at rival Arab players. The team remains ethnically homogeneous since it has never signed an Arab player. This flies in the face of statistical probability given that Israel’s population is 21% Arab. The team’s racial uniformity keeps with the team’s motto: “Forever Pure.”

A Beitar Jerusalem bumper sticker. zeeveez. CC BY 2.0.

To understand why Sheikh Hamad bought a 50% stake, it is necessary first to look at Moshe Hogeg, formerly the team’s sole owner. He made his fortune trading cryptocurrency and bought Beitar Jerusalem, along with its debt, for $7.2 million in 2018. His reasons were clear, ambitious and abrasive to many Beitar fans: “I saw this problem that reflects bad not only on the club, but also on Israel,” Hogeg said. “I love football, and I thought it was the opportunity to buy this club and to fix this racist problem. And then I could do something that is bigger than football.” Before he can even dream of something bigger, though, he’ll first have to address the bigotry already present in the team’s fan base. 

Beitar Jerusalem’s self-avowed racist identity comes from a right-wing section of the fan base known as La Familia. Comprising roughly 20% of the team’s fans, they are a loud, vociferous and sometimes violent minority. When the team signed two Muslim players from Chechnya in 2013, members of La Familia burned down the team’s headquarters in retaliation. Fans routinely heckled the players during games. When one player scored his first goal, many fans, led by La Familia, left the stadium. 

The tumultuous 2013 season was chronicled in the documentary “Forever Pure.”

Under pressure. Steindy. CC BY-SA 3.0.

The deal with Sheikh Hamad comes on the heels of the Abraham Accords, a set of agreements between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, brokered by the United States, that normalized relations between the two countries. Thousands of Israelis traveled to the UAE shortly after the agreements came into effect. Instagram influencers posted stories of themselves lounging in hotel suites in Dubai. Sheikh Hamad’s purchase of Beitar Jerusalem’s stake provoked very little attention in the UAE. Israeli football is not internationally popular, so the outcry was limited solely to Israel. 


Beitar Jerusalem’s training ground, site of many racist chants. zeevveez. CC BY 2.0.

Sheikh Hamad is as hopeful as Moshe Hogeg about purging the team of its racist elements. “The deal is meant to show the nations that the Jewish and the Muslim can work together and be friends and live in peace and harmony,” Hamad said in December. However, peace and harmony still seem a long way away. Beitar Jerusalem’s decadeslong right-wing identity defines much of the team’s fan base. As embarrassed and ashamed as most fans are of La Familia’s overt bigotry, the group still holds immense sway. Only time will tell if their brand of hatred will win out. Hogeg and Sheikh Hamad’s anti-racism campaign will face fierce opposition. When asked if his decision to invest was related to La Familia, Sheikh Hamad only responded, “Challenge accepted.”

Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.