What the Arrest of Paul Rusesabagina Means for Peace in Rwanda

March 19, 2021

Rwanda’s history of violence still looms over its people’s memory. More than 25 years after the end of the Rwanda genocide, political tensions and growing concerns over civil rights are once again threatening the fabric of peace in the country.

Rusesabagina lecturing at the University of Michigan in 2014 in commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the Rwanda genocide. University of Michigan’s Ford School. CC BY-ND 2.0

Paul Rusesabagina, the former manager of the Hotel de Mille Collines in Kigali, Rwanda, was arrested in August 2020. During his time as hotel manager, he saved 1,268 lives during the 1994 Rwanda genocide. Touted as a human rights advocate, he is now being charged with murder, arson and terrorism. Rwanda, still reeling from the heinous ethnic violence that spread across the country 26 years ago, once again finds itself on edge.

It has been more than a quarter of a century since up to 800,000 people were killed in the Rwanda genocide. Many of those slaughtered were part of the country’s Tutsi minority, which was ethnically targeted by Hutu extremists. The international community, including the United Nations, failed to take swift enough action to prevent the further spread of violence, which continued from April to July 1994. Former U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon even publicly expressed shame over the organization's failure to prevent the genocide during a 2014 commemoration ceremony in Rwanda.

In the time since, the country has tried to embark on a reconciliation process to ensure that nothing of such nature will ever occur again. Rusesabagina has since enjoyed international attention for his actions during the genocide. The 2004 film “Hotel Rwanda,” based on the Hotel de Mille Collines, received widespread critical acclaim and catapulted Rusesabagina to global celebrity status. The film was nominated for three Academy Awards, and President George W. Bush even awarded Rusesabagina the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2005.

An estimated 800,000 people were killed in the Rwanda genocide, many of whom were part of the country’s Tutsi minority population. Fanny Schertzer. CC BY-SA 3.0

However, the attention generated by “Hotel Rwanda” and Rusesabagina was not inherently positive, especially for the ruling party of Rwanda. President Paul Kagame, the leader of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, has often been described as a dictator. He has been in power for over 20 years and has been the target of international criticism, including from Rusesabagina. Kagame’s actions toward quelling dissent have become the main focus of scrutiny, especially the jailing of political rivals like Shima Diane Rwigara and Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza. In 2018, an annual European Union human rights report highlighted the presence of civil rights violations in Rwanda, allegations that Kagame wrote off as being “ridiculous.”

Rusesabagina himself is an ardent critic of Kagame. In 2007, he claimed that Kagame was responsible for the assassination of former President Juvenal Habyarimana, whose plane was shot down in 1994. Habyarimana's death created more anti-Tutsi sentiment in Rwanda, galvanizing Hutu extremists to take to the streets and plunging the country into violence. Rusesabagina claimed that Kagame’s possible role in Habyarimana’s assassiniation made him responsible for the hundreds of thousands killed during the genocide.

Now, Rusesabagina is the latest critic to be targeted by the Kagame regime. Rusesabagina, who now lives in San Antonio, was traveling to Burundi to speak to a congregation regarding his experience during the Rwanda genocide. Little did he know that this was a lie, and he was falling into a trap set by Kagame that would lead to his arrest. Rusesabagina had a layover in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, before boarding a flight that he thought was heading to Burundi. In Dubai he met Constantin Niyomwungere, the pastor of the congregation Rusesabagina was supposed to speak to. Together, they took a chartered jet intended for Bujumbura in Burundi. However, when the plane landed, Rusesabagina did not find himself in Bujumbura. Instead, he was in the Rwandan capital of Kigali, where he was immediately arrested by law enforcement officials.

Rusesabagina’s arrest is much more than a simple plot by an authoritarian to eliminate critics; it is a reminder of how fragile the peace and reconciliation process can be. Since the Rwanda genocide, the country has made immense progress in improving living standards. In 2019, life expectancy in Rwanda was 69 years, compared to just 31 years in 1995. Women make up 61% of the country’s legislature, the highest proportion of women holding public office in the world. Literacy rates went from just under 60% in the early 1990s to 73% in 2018. Yet, as Rusesabagina’s arrest shows, Rwanda is still has a lot to overcome to fulfill its vision of a post-genocide future.

Rusesabagina benefited from global visibility that not only catapulted him to fame, but brought attention to Rwanda and the 1994 genocide. His arrest is known because he is known. However, the Kagame administration has a pattern of arresting critics and accusing them of conspiracy against the state. Rusesabagina is just one of many in an increasing number of human rights violations that threaten the landscape of Rwandan peace.

The Rwanda genocide provides a stark reminder of how far the world is yet to come in genocide prevention and reconciliation. There have been U.N. investigations and tribunals, Hollywood glamour and award shows since then. Yet, violence does not crawl back to the shadows when the world shines a spotlight on it. Rather, the international community needs to learn from its mistakes and make sure that Paul Rusesabagina’s arrest does not open a new opportunity for another moment of mass violence.

Rising Tensions in Ethiopia’s Tigray Region Pose Dangers for Millions

December 9, 2020

The East African country has recently been overrun by natural disasters, COVID-19 and internal violence.

A refugee camp in Ethiopia. Oberhaus. CC2.0

Rising tensions in northern Ethiopia’s Tigray region pose a severe threat for the East African country and for stability across the Horn of Africa. Most urgently, the fighting places millions of people in danger and in dire need of humanitarian assistance.

Map of Ethiopia’s regions, with Tigray in the far north. Jfblanc. CC4.0

An Overview of the Conflict in Tigray

Ethiopia, the largest and most populous country in the Horn of Africa region, is home to many different religions, languages and ethnic groups. The recent fighting is taking place in Tigray, Ethiopia’s northernmost region along the border with Eritrea. The conflict is between Ethiopia’s central government led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The TPLF came to power in 1991 and established a coalition where Ethiopia was divided into 10 distinct regions that each had political autonomy, allowing the TPLF to become a key player in Ethiopian politics. The TPLF remained in power for 27 years until rising concerns of political corruption and human rights abuses resulted in nationwide protests. As a result, Abiy Ahmed was elected the prime minister of Ethiopia in 2018 and began to reduce the TPLF’s power. While Ahmed advocates for a strong federal government that unites all Ethiopians regardless of ethnicity, the TPLF wants more political autonomy and sees Ahmed’s central government as a hindrance to the TPLF’s political agenda.

The current dispute began when the TPLF wanted to hold a regional election in September. Prime Minister Ahmed denied the request, since all national elections in Ethiopia were canceled due to COVID-19. Fighting began on Nov. 4 when Tigrayan forces were accused of attacking a military base belonging to Ahmed’s government. The violence in the region continues to escalate.

Abiy Ahmed is widely recognized for brokering peace and ending a military conflict with neighboring Eritrea, an effort that resulted in Ahmed receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019. However the current escalating violence is causing the international community to raise its eyebrows. According to Kjetil Tronvoll, a scholar of Ethiopian politics at Bjorknes University College in Norway, “The Nobel Peace Prize has until recently shielded Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed from international scrutiny and criticism. However, the warfare on Tigray has opened the eyes of many diplomats to the way political power is wielded in Ethiopia.”

Rwandan President Paul Kagame (left) and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (right). Kagame. CC2.0

What is Happening Now?

On Nov. 28, the Ethiopian army gained control of the Tigrayan regional capital of Mekelle, with Prime Minister Ahmed declaring victory shortly thereafter. However, Tigrayan forces have yet to surrender. Since the conflict began, telephone, internet and road access to the Tigray region has been suspended, making it difficult to know what is happening on the ground. Shortly after Ahmed declared victory, rockets were fired at the Eritrean capital of Asmara, where according to the U.S. embassy, “Six explosions occurred in the city at about 10:13 p.m.” The Ethiopian government has declared a six-month-long state of emergency in the Tigray region. There is concern that the conflict could exacerbate ethnic division in other parts of Ethiopia, or even spread to neighboring countries such as Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia. With the conflict having no end in sight, it is unclear to predict whether current military efforts are enough to end the fighting.

Refugee children in Ethiopia. United Nations Photo. CC2.0

Impact on Internally Displaced People and Refugees

Before the recent fighting broke out in Tigray, the region was already home to over 200,000 refugees, the majority coming from Eritrea. The current fighting is estimated to affect over 2 million people, with larger estimates of up to 9 million. As many as 43,000 have already fled to neighboring countries, with Sudan preparing to accept as many as 200,000 refugees. Thousands of people are internally displaced in Shire, near the border with Eritrea. Aid groups are urging the Ethiopian government to allow access to roads crucial to the Tigray region. This year has been especially difficult in Ethiopia, as a devastating locust outbreak, floods and the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic have ravaged the country. According to the International Rescue Committee, the most important thing that can be done by forces is to adhere to international law, ensure that schools, hospitals and homes are not targets, and allow humanitarian aid to get to where it is needed.

To Get Involved:

Check out the International Rescue Committee, a global aid and development organization providing crucial humanitarian assistance to communities in Tigray, here.

Click here to access the website of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which is working to establish a new shelter site for Tigrayan refugees in Sudan.

Megan is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

Female Saudi Arabian Activist on Death Row for Peaceful Protest

October 2, 2018

On August 21, 2018, Saudi Arabian public prosecutors announced that they were considering the death penalty for five Saudi Shia activists. One of the five is Israa al-Ghomgham, a female activist who could become the first woman sentenced to death in Saudi Arabia. Ghomgham, along with four other Saudi Shia activists including her husband, engaged in peaceful demonstrations for Shia rights beginning in 2011 during the rise of the Arab Spring, which led to their 2015 arrests.

Saudi Arabian Flag. Iqbal Osman. Wikimedia Commons

“Any execution is appalling, but seeking the death penalty for activists like Israa al-Ghomgham, who are not even accused of violent behavior, is monstrous,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, who directs the Middle East sector of Human Rights Watch. “Every day, the Saudi monarchy’s unrestrained despotism makes it harder for its public relations teams to spin the fairy tale of ‘reform’ to allies and international business.”

Responding to peaceful protests with the death penalty is compromising both to proponents of human decency and order, and these actions are symptomatic of a larger illness. If Saudi Arabia is to continue to suppress and murder its own citizens, its actions could lead to its internal combustion. To preserve its tenuous position of prosperity, the Saudi Arabian government must honor the voices of its insurgents—or at least allow them to live.

Saudi Arabia, a desert country in the Middle East said to be the birthplace of Islam, holds a complex position at the pinnacle of capital and culture. It has the world’s third highest national total estimated value of natural resources. It is home to the world’s largest oil company, and it has been the proponent of various reform agendas, significant amount of money invested in solar energy. It is also ruled by the ultraconservative Wahhabi religious movement, which is part of Sunni Islam.

It has shown support for counterterrorism and revolutionary liberal and Arab Spring ideals and has supported rebel forces in Syria and Yemen, but internally it has been a breeding ground for violent forms of radical Islam, placing it at a crux between the most progressive and oppressive sides of the ideological spectrum. The nation’s 32-year-old king, Mohammed bin Salman, has been pushing to modernize his country, opening movie theatres and allowing women to drive for the first time—but his actions towards protestors despite his presentation of liberalism rings eerily close to the actions of Bashar al Assad, Syrian president who also began his reign by encouraging Westernization in Syria before cracking down on protestors and unleashing a bloody civil war. Under Salman, critics of the Saudi Arabian regime have been arrested in scores, and 58 people are currently on death row. Many of these prisoners are women, often arrested for protesting the country’s guardianship system, which places Saudi Arabian men in almost complete control of their daughters’ or wives’ lives.

Israa al-Ghomgham and her husband were arrested on December 5, 2015, and are on trial at the Specialized Criminal Court, which Saudi Arabia installed in 2008 and which has drawn expense criticism from human rights activists, sentencing eight protestors to death in 2014 and 14 in 2016. Currently human rights campaigners are working to secure her freedom and life.

EDEN ARIELLE GORDON is a writer, musician, and avid traveler. She attends Barnard College in New York.

Photo of Surfer in Mexico Waters // Licensing CC0

Surfing 4 Peace Among Arab-Israeli Conflict

September 5, 2018

One of the worlds most volatile conflicts is put aside momentarily in the midst of Mediterranean ocean waves. Surfing 4 Peace is an organization that exists to uniquely subdue the long-surviving Arab-Israeli conflict through a community connected by a love of surfing. Surfing as a sport may seem insignificant in the grand scheme of things, but surfing for peace—in a place as war torn and historically conflicted as the Gaza strip—is all but small. In fact, Surfing 4 Peace is one of the only remaining peace initiatives still allowed by the Hamas government in Gaza between Israeli and Palestinian people. Following the creation of this organization, all other peace initiatives were made illegal. Young boys—and as of recent initiatives—young girls, from countries raised in opposition to one another come together to ride waves without discrimination.

The Gaza Strip is a small portion of land that has been a place of conflict since its earliest inhabitants of the 15th Century B.C. It was originally inhabited by a majority of Arab people that made up part of the British Mandate of Palestine. The region, which borders the Mediterranean sea and is wedged between Egypt and Israel, has been a source of conflict among the neighbors. Though its original Palestinian population was strong, Arab-Israeli conflicts have long presented back and forth dispute over this land. Israel gained control of the area after the end of what was deemed the “Six-Day War” in 1967. Israeli personnel was involved in the area up until 2005. Following this year, Israel removed all power, military and settlers from the region -- leaving behind Palestinians and original inhabitants. Now, the land is autonomously run by these settlers that make up the HAMAS government. The regions remains a source of tension amidst the longstanding feud between Arab and Israeli people.

The history of the Gaza Strip is essential to understanding the importance and rarity of an organization, or as they recognize themselves, “community” like Surfing 4 Peace. This collection of surfers began in 2005 following the peak of confusion and dispute among the two populations. This program, though a niche, proves that passion in and of itself is more powerful than indoctrinated hate.

Surfing 4 Peace began with a man named Dorian Paskowitz. He arrived in Israel with one goal: to share this idea that “people who surf together can live together.” World Policy suggested that the goal of this initiative was and is to extend the region’s possibility for long-term stability. The source suggested that the founders of Surfing 4 peace believed that surfing withholds the capacity to unite people and “create lasting friendships, not around politics or religion but around the joys of catching a wave.” It seems that the goal is to reorient the relationship between these feuding groups to recognize that life and relationships are more built on more than simply a foundation of religion and politics. Culture inevitably comes from many different facets, indicating that there is room for commonality among all people from all walks of life.

While the ultimate goal of the organization is to connect people via “beach-culture” and “a shared-surfing experience,” it has not been an altogether simple execution. Conflict has been largely instilled within the governments of Gaza and Israel. Not to mention, surfing is a niche interest, generally expensive, and requires a lot of education to gain momentum in its following for this particular area. Over the years, the “community” struggled to gather boards, move said boards into the country, educate the population about how to ride and why it’s a valuable pastime, all while dealing with less than supportive governments in the Middle East. In 2010, the Hamas in Gaza outlawed all peace initiatives attempting to reconcile relations with Israel. However, by this point, the “Gaza Surf Club” and the Surfing 4 Peace initiative had already been established. Surfing under this incentive started gaining a following and had overcome many hurdles to do with the expensive and difficult nature of the sport.

Despite their niche characterization, the group has extended beyond surfing to coordinate in other ways and with other groups to expand the message. For one, the organization is not limited to Gaza. They run surf workshops in Israel for the youth in the local area. They have been sending delegations of surfers to Hawaii to participate in festivities surrounding surfing. They have introduced new components to the club, including stand-up paddleboarding and longboarding, with events in cities around the world. The community continues to grow and has maintained their intention of not only getting these young people involved in sports, but getting them involved together. Not without its daily challenges, the program persists on a shared passion for something unique that became a much bigger scene in the storyline for peace.

ELEANOR DAINKO is an undergraduate student at the University of Virginia studying Spanish and Latin American Interdisciplinary Studies. She recently finished a semester in Spain, expanding her knowledge of opportunity and culture as it exists around the world. With her passion to change the world and be a more socially conscious person, she is an aspiring entrepreneur with the hopes of attending business school over seas after college.

Strained Lebanon

April 7, 2018

Directed, filmed, and edited by Yuribert Capetillo Hardy.

He says of this film: "Growing up in the streets of Habana and now living in Europe, I didn’t had a lot of information about the middle east (except from what the mainstream media want you to see & read). This has been the biggest motivation for me to go to Beirut and find out about it myself. I found a country that’s driven by “Peaceful coexistence” a term that I’ve heard in Lebanon for the first time, and it fascinates me ever since."

Yemeni women take part in a sit-in and a protest against the ongoing conflict in the Arab country, outside the UN offices in Sana'a, Yemen, 16 March 2017. EPA/YAHYA ARHAB

How Yemeni Women Are Fighting the War

February 15, 2018

Since 2015, a Saudi-led coalition has waged war against Shia Houthi forces in Yemen. More than 8,000 people have been killed, and more than 49,000 injured; at least 69% of the population is reportedly in need of humanitarian assistance. Million of Yemenis are facing starvation. Weapons circulation is widespread and uncontrolled: in 2016, a UN report estimated that between 40m to 60m firearms were circulating freely in the country.

The conflict has had a devastating impact on the women of the country. Household breadwinners are usually men; many are fighting, injured or killed. There is an economic crisis in the private sector, and many public sector jobs are no longer paying salaries. The health and security of the female population is endangered by exposure to cholera and other diseases. And then there’s the issue of child marriages: the severe poverty crisis means that prepubescent girls are married off to repay debts, or to raise funds to feed the rest of the family.

A woman from the Northern Ibb region, which is occupied by the rebel Houthi army, explained the situation to a research team:

We live in a state of lawlessness: no security, no protection and no functional law enforcement authorities. A person may be shot dead for a trivial thing. The security situation doesn’t look like it did in the past. Now, there are informal groups behaving as if they were law enforcement authorities. These groups have power, and their power is the law. They use force against whoever disagrees with them or criticises their behaviour.

As the feminist scholar Cynthia Enloe has pointed out, women are crucial for war and play supportive roles for the military. Indeed, many Yemeni women are not victims of war or just escaping or hiding from this war. In many contrasting ways, they are actively supporting it, and not only on humanitarian grounds.

Women engaging in war

Although many Yemeni women discourage their family members from taking part in the conflict and very few take up arms themselves, they also help recruit men to the army. They also support combatants by cooking food for them and helping to distribute it.

A young woman, Nasseem Al-Odaini, whose family has fled to the neighbouring Ibb region, stayed behind in Houthi-occupied Taiz and initiated an organisation that assist the combatants that support the former government. As she told Middle East Eye: “We want to encourage the pro-government forces to advance in the province, by raising the spirits of the fighters”.

Other Yemeni women try to mitigate the impact of the conflict the best way possible. For example, women engage in humanitarian relief and in providing social and psychological support for people who have been traumatised by the war. They also engage in peace processes when they initiate discussions of the conflict in their communities.

Since the war is not equally intense in every part of the country, there are better possibilities for women to participate in peace processes around the port city of Aden, in the south, than it is in the north, where the Houthi army has taken control and Saudi coalition airstrikes are part of everyday life. Accordingly, women’s conditions and activities differ from one region to another.

Yemeni women and girls wait to receive free bread provided by a charity bakery during a severe shortage of food in Sana'a, Yemen, 15 August 2017. EPA/YAHYA ARHAB

A blocked momentum

In the north, local communities are more divided (between supporters and adversaries of the Houthi government) than in the south. When women enter the public and participate in charity work, they may be questioned by “de facto authorities” (read: the Houthi army) who, according to one woman, would try to prevent them from doing their work. They would also tell women that they are not allowed to appear in public before men:

They [the Houthis] are opposed to women playing a role in public life. According to them, the woman’s role is restricted to cooking and housework. They marginalise women; they deny their role in the community.

Women in Northern and Southern parts of Yemen are not full citizens. According to Amnesty International, they “face discrimination in matters of marriage, divorce, inheritance, and child custody, and the state fails to take adequate measures to prevent, investigate, and punish domestic violence”. Discrimination against women in Yemen go back far beyond the war and are associated with local customs according to several studies. And yet, Yemeni women maintain their engagement in the development of their country.

An old engagement

During the popular uprising in the country in 2011 where hundreds of thousands of Yemenis followed the “youth movement” and protested against the corrupt reign of the then-president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, Yemeni women took to the streets to an extent that was unforeseen and unprecedented.

Many women participants were independent of political groups, but in the later stages of the protests the Islamic Reform party – inspired by the Muslim Brotherhood – managed to take charge of the protest movement, raising independent women’s concern that their rights would be disregarded.

However, independent women and women belonging to the political parties, including the Islamic Reform party and the Houthi political wing, Ansar Allah, constituted almost one third of participantsin the UN-guided National Dialogue Conference which followed the forced resignation of the President in November 2011. The aim of the 10 months long conference was to formulate a new and more democratic constitution for a united Yemen. However, the draft constitution which included a general 30% gender quota was rejected by the Houthi movement in September 2014, before the population had given their voice in a referendum.

By then disappointment with the process towards a new Yemen had given the Houthis wide popular support. They occupied major government institutions in the capital, Sana'a and removed the transition government recognised internationally. Interestingly, it was not the gender quota which made the Houthis reject the draft constitution, but the view to a power-sharing model which did not give them what they expected.

The Houthi movement’s occupation of the capital and seizure of government seemed to mark both the beginning of a war, and the end of momentum for women’s rights in Yemen – a country which generally figures in the lowest ranks of Arab gender equality indexes. In 2014, a group of women from diverse political backgrounds pushed for political solutions instead of war. Since then they have been sidelined from peace negotiations – but that doesn’t mean that Yemeni women have lost all hope.

This article was originally published on The Conversation.

CONNIE CHRISTIANSEN

Dr. Connie Carøe Christiansen is a visiting associate professor in Gender Studies. She was an associate professor at Roskilde University in Denmark and a senior advisor at KVINFO, the Danish Centre for Research and Information on Gender, Equality and Diversity, where she managed academic programs in the Arab region, including a program which established an M.A. program on International Development and Gender at Sanaa University in Yemen. She has published research on gender, migration and Islam in Denmark, Turkey, Morocco and Yemen. She has her M.A. in Cultural Sociology and Ph.D. in Anthropology from Copenhagen University, Denmark.