What Happens to Afghan Refugees Once They Flee? 

People have been leaving Afghanistan for 40 years, hoping to escape conflict, violence, and poverty. The Taliban’s recent takeover has exacerbated the displacement and flight of Afghan people, but where do they go once they’ve left? 

Why are people fleeing Afghanistan? 

This year, 20 years after The Taliban was ousted from power in Afghanistan, the insurgent group regained control of the country. On August 15, Taliban forces took Kabul, the nation’s capital, with little resistance. Afghan President Ashraf Ghani fled the country, and the government collapsed, securing The Taliban’s position of power. 

Following The Taliban’s seizure of Kabul and effective takeover of the country, tens of thousands of people fled Afghanistan, fearing their safety under Taliban rule. 

Amnesty International reports that at present, there are over 2.6 million registered refugees from Afghanistan worldwide and more who haven’t been registered or who are asylum seekers (meaning they haven’t yet been legally recognized as refugees). People began leaving Afghanistan forty years ago, seeking refuge from conflict, violence and poverty. However, the recent Taliban takeover has escalated the amount of violence faced by people in Afghanistan and raised human rights concerns, especially over the treatment of women and girls. 

The United Nations Refugee Agency predicts that up to half a million people could flee Afghanistan by the end of the year. As many as 125,000 people fled between August 16 and 26 during a multinational evacuation effort led by the U.S. military. However, more Afghans are still displaced and trying to escape Taliban rule. 

What happens to Afghan refugees once they leave the country? 

If Afghans can make it out of the country, what happens next varies. Those leaving via land borders often live in temporary refugee camps, like the ones set up by Iran and Tajikistan. 

Pakistan and Iran have been the countries to take in the largest numbers of Afghan refugees in the past. However, this time, officials from both countries have said that they cannot take another large influx of refugees. Instead, they will be expected to stay in camps on the borders until they  return to Afghanistan. 

On August 16, the UNHRC issued a non-return advisory, meaning that no country can deport people to Afghanistan right now. 

Some governments, such as Austria, Poland, Turkey and Switzerland, have made clear that they will not welcome any Afghan refugees and are upping border security to guard against anyone entering their countries illegally. However, other governments, such as France, Germany, Canada, Australia, the U.K. and the U.S., have pledged to host Afghan refugees and asylum-seekers.

United States

Axios reports that an expected 37,000 Afghan refugees will soon be entering the U.S., likely the first group of several. They will be sent to 46 states, excluding Hawaii, South Dakota, West Virginia and Wyoming, with California and Texas receiving the most people. 

More than half of the Afghan refugees who have already arrived in the U.S. helped the U.S. officals and their families, some of whom hold Special Immigrant Visas. This next wave of 37,000 also includes many people regarded as U.S. allies, who either have an SIV or have applied for one. 

Those refugees who are not eligible for an SIV can apply for other types of relief, such as asylum or a temporary visa. In additoin, they can still enter the U.S., even without a valid visa, if they have applied for humanitarian parole, which allows those facing an emergency or urgent humanitarian crisis to enter the country for a temporary period. 

All Afghan refugees are eligible to apply for humanitarian parole and asylum, and they can also apply for a U.S. visa. However, those who have applied for either but have not yet completed the lengthy screening and interview process to receive clearance are being sent to third-party countries before they can enter the United States. Kosovo, Albania, North Macedonia and Uganda have agreed to temporarily host smaller numbers of refugees ultimately destined for the U.S. 

When Afghan refugees arrive in the U.S., legal residents or U.S. citizens are tested for COVID-19 and then released to go to their destinations. Those who are not will be sent to military bases for processing, which includes a health screening and services such as help to apply for work authorization. After processing, these refugees are connected with a refugee resettlement agency. 

Resettlement agencies, like RAICES in Texas, are funded by the U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants. Resettlement agencies, using a $1200-per-person stiped, set up housing, including utilities and furniture, for the refugees, and enroll children in school and sign families up for social services programs such as Medicaid. The agencies also provide job skills training and help refugees with their job searches; they also help refugees adjust to their new homes through cultural orientation programs. In addition, some refugees qualify for monthly cash assistance, which the resettlement agencies also provide. 

United Kingdom 

The Home Office, the U.K.’s lead immigration department, has announced that any Afghans that worked for the U.K. government or British military can stay in the U.K. permanently. There are currently over 8000 Afghan refugees in the U.K., and many of those who were initially only granted temporary residency can now upgrade their immigration status and find permanent housing and jobs. 

Right now, manyf Afghan refugees in the U.K. are living in hotels, but the government hopes to have them resettled more permanently soon. The government has developed two resettlement plans for Afghan refugees—the one currently in progress is known as Operation Warm Welcome, which provides support similar to that of U.S. resettlement agencies such as enrolling kids in school, registering refugees for healthcare and helping them to find housing. The second plan, the Afghan Citizens Resettlement Scheme, is a longer-term plan, aiming to take in an additional 20,000 refugees over the next few years. 

The refugees who are not currently eligible for permanent residency  can apply for a five-year visa; after the visa is up they can apply for permanent residence.

France

Between August 16 and 27, France evacuated over 2500 Afghans from Kabul, mainly activists. Many of these refugees left families behind in Afghanistan and now worry that they will be unable to reunite. France is notoriously slow at approving family reunification applications, with Afghans having to wait an average of three years before bringing their relatives. France’s president, Emmanuel Macron, has expressed concerns about a large influx of immigrants, saying that though France will continue to protect those who are most threatened under Taliban rule, “irregular migratory flows” need to be stemmed. 

According to the European Resettlement Network, refugees who can enter France are granted a temporary, six-month leave to work and receive certain social services benefits. After that, all refugees are required to lodge an asylum claim, which, when approved, grants them official refugee status. After gaining refugee status, refugees may apply for French citizenship. 

Challenges 

Whether refugees are in camps or have found refuge in other countries, they often face challenges like unsanitary conditions, a lack of food and housing, and harassment from people around them. Though people leaving Afghanistan are safe from the more immediate dangers of conflict and violence, just leaving the country does not ensure their long-term well being. 

Organizations like Refugees International and Amnesty International have put forth recommendations on how countries can best respond to the Afghan refugee crisis and better help refugees. 

To Get Involved: 

To learn how to support Women for Women International’s emergency relief fund, click here. 

To get involved with the International Rescue Organization, click here. 

To learn more about Afghan Aid, an organization that has been working in Afghanistan for nearly 40 years, click here. 

Ways to help Afghan refugees are different depending on where you live, so consider looking into local and national organizations as well. 

Rachel Lynch

Rachel is a student at Sarah Lawrence College in Bronxville, NY currently taking a semester off. She plans to study Writing and Child Development. Rachel loves to travel and is inspired by the places she’s been and everywhere she wants to go. She hopes to educate people on social justice issues and the history and culture of travel destinations through her writing.

Police Brutality Increases Amidst Protests In Columbia

Colombia’s police brutality, economic inequality, unemployment and poor public services have been brought into the spotlight after the April 28 protests against a proposed nationwide tax increase. 

 Protesters holding a sign that says “if they keep killing us, we’ll keep marching.” Ox.ap. CC BY 2.0

 The COVID-19 pandemic has taken a severe social and economic toll on Colombia; with more than 101,000 deaths and 5 million jobs temporarily affected, Colombia recorded it’s largest recession on record. With many Colombians struggling to find work, the concept of the proposed tax change by the government was immediately protested, later withdrawn by the government after a few days of protest.

 The proposed tax increase would have affected anyone making more than $656 a month, and President Iván Duque initially insisted that the tax was needed to fix the country’s economy. After the protests caused deaths, however, he asked the Congress to withdraw the proposed law and created a new law to avoid financial uncertainty. The protests ignited civil unrest that lasted after the withdrawal of the tax increase. On June 15, organizers said that they are temporarily suspending the weekly Wednesday protests.

The earlier protests highlighted the  excess of police brutality in Colombia. More than 1,100 protesters and bystanders have been injured since April 28, and the total number is most likely higher as many cases have not been reported to authorities. Human Rights Watch confirmed 34 deaths, including 2 police officers and 31 demonstrators or bystanders, 20 of whom appeared to be murdered by the police.

The Independent Forensic Expert Group of the International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims, an international group of forensic experts, explained that live ammunition was used on individuals, causing deaths. Also, IRCTV concluded that tear gas and kinetic impact projectiles are being misused, causing death and severe injury including blunt trauma to eyes.

More specifically, at least 16 protesters or bystanders died from live ammunition of police firearms, at least one other victim died from beatings and three others from inappropriate or excessive use of teargas or flash bangs. Additionally, there were 9 cases of severe eye injuries from either teargas cartridges, stun grenades, or kinetic impact projectiles fired from riot guns. Human Rights Watch, also stated, “Victims included journalists and human rights defenders who were covering the protest, including some who wore vests identifying them as such.”

Furthermore, on May 14, the Ombudsperson’s Office reported 2 cases of rape, 14 cases of sexual assault and 71 other cases of gender-based violence by police officers.. Two cases of sexual violence by police officers against protesters were documented by Human Rights Watch. 

In November 2016, the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia reached a peace accord after a 52-year armed conflict, demobilizing the country’s then-largest armed group. Protection of human rights defenders through specific initiatives was a part of the agreement. As seen with these recent protests, however, the agreement has not been held to the highest accountability. Conflict-related violence has displaced more than 8.2 million Colombians since 1985. 

On June 6, President Iván Duque stated that the government would take steps to “transform” the police. The protests continued from the end April untill mid-June; National strike committee spokesman Francicso Maltes said to Al Jazeera that the umbrella of workers unions, student organizations and others decided to “temporarily” pause the Wednesday protests. However, Maltes also stated, “Protest in Colombia will continue because the reasons behind it are still there.”

Unions and business associations will draft bills to share with Congress when it begins a new session on July 20—a protest is expected on that day, stated  Maltes. “We hope that Congress, and lawmakers, do not fail Colombians like President Ivan Duque has,” said Maltes.

Kyla Denisevich

Kyla is an upcoming senior at Boston University, and is majoring in Journalism with a minor in Anthropology. She writes articles for the Daily Free Press at BU and a local paper in Malden, Massachusetts called Urban Media Arts. Pursuing journalism is her passion, and she aims to highlight stories from people of all walks of life to encourage productive, educated conversation. In the future, Kyla hopes to create well researched multimedia stories which emphasize under-recognized narratives.

Africa Faces Higher Food Insecurity Due to COVID-19

Africa experiences food insecurity due to poverty, conflict, climate change and a lack of access to food. When COVID-19 hit, it made all of these matters much worse.

A man inspects failed corn crops in Mauritania. Oxfam International. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Although made significantly more severe by COVID-19, food insecurity has been a serious concern worldwide for decades, mostly caused by economic shocks, climate change and conflict. According to the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization, 239 million people in sub-Saharan Africa were undernourished as of 2018.

The COVID-19 pandemic has heightened food insecurity across the world by reducing incomes and disrupting food supply chains. The United Nations warns that about three dozen countries—Ethiopia, Nigeria and South Sudan included—could experience major famines this year, pushing 130 million more people to starvation. East Africa’s biggest locust invasion in 70 years combined with the impact of COVID-19 threatens to drive 25 million people into hunger. Research from a series of high-frequency phone surveys shows that over 105 million adults have been affected by some degree of food insecurity across Uganda, Nigeria, Malawi, Ethiopia and Burkina Faso following the onset of the pandemic. Devastated food sources and billions of dollars in crop damage may push residents over the edge.

In addition, preventive measures like border closures, lockdowns and curfews intended to slow the spread of COVID-19 are disrupting supply chains that struggled to keep markets well-stocked even before the pandemic. At least 60% of the African population is dependent on agriculture for their livelihoods and access to food, and disruptions to this system caused by COVID-19 are threatening this group’s food security.

A man tending to his crops in Uganda. Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. CC BY 2.0.

Most African countries rely heavily on food imports; between 2016 and 2018, Africa imported about 85% of its food from outside the continent. Heavy reliance on world markets is extremely detrimental to food security, and export bans imposed by major food exporters due to COVID-19 made the region even more vulnerable. If trade blockages persist, agricultural production in Africa could decrease by between 2.6% and 7%.

African countries are also reporting shortages and price spikes for some domestic food crops, such as millet, sorghum and maize. In addition, the disruption of marketing and trade activities, combined with panic-buying during the pandemic, intensified food price increases and caused both rural and urban consumers to lose purchasing power.

As a direct result of rising food prices, the availability and affordability of nutritious food has plummeted. Nutrient-rich foods like eggs, fruit and vegetables are 10 times more expensive than staple foods like rice or wheat in sub-Saharan Africa, so vulnerable families were forced to buy cheaper and less nutritious food to survive, adding to a rise in malnutrition and obesity.

In addition, school closures in South Africa have stopped a national feeding program that provides nutritious meals to 9 million poorer children.

Restrictions imposed by governments—lockdowns, travel bans and social distancing measures included—have increased the risk of food insecurity, and many low-income households have lost their livelihoods and ability to access markets.

A fruit and vegetable stand in Kampala, Uganda. World Bank Photo Collection. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

COVID-19 has clearly had a detrimental effect on food security in Africa, with 43% of households that were not severely food insecure in 2018 estimated to be severely food insecure as of June 2020.

However, there are ways to help, and many government programs have already started to alleviate some of the hunger in Africa. In Chad, a government project is providing food kits, establishing cereal banks and distributing seeds for future harvests so that households can survive the rest of the pandemic. In East Africa, the U.S. Agency for International Development’s Feed the Future program is supporting measures to keep food and agricultural inputs moving across borders and from ports to inland countries.

Although many efforts to help Africa are already in place, it is imperative that African countries take the necessary steps to build resilient, climate-friendly and competitive food systems so that they can survive COVID-19 and any future challenges.

To Get Involved:

Donating to Oxfam South Africa or Action Against Hunger will help to provide essential care to hungry families in Africa. Additionally, the U.N. World Food Program uses donations to deliver lifesaving food to those in need, wherever they may be located.

Another great way to help is by giving to The Hunger Project, which uses donations to implement programs that mobilize rural communities to achieve sustainable progress against hunger. These are just a few of the many ways to get involved to help end the crisis. To learn more, visit the United Nations’ website on hunger in Africa.

Isabelle Durso

Isabelle is an undergraduate student at Boston University currently on campus in Boston. She is double majoring in Journalism and Film & Television, and she is interested in being a travel writer and writing human-interest stories around the world. Isabelle loves to explore and experience new cultures, and she hopes to share other people's stories through her writing. In the future, she intends to keep writing journalistic articles as well as creative screenplays.

Altered Photos of Cambodian Genocide Victims Spark Outrage

Too often history is viewed as an element of the past—chains of unchangeable events that can be analyzed and nothing more. However, it is important that victims of past atrocities are honored, a lesson in which modern media has fallen short. 

Unaltered photos of Khmer Rouge genocide victims at the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum. Christian Haugen. CC BY 2.0.

With the advancements of the digital age, the culture of media has grown ever more rapid, often leading to negative consequences. In a recent incident, history itself took center stage as one photographer’s actions sparked massive outrage among victims of the Khmer Rouge genocide, which led to the deaths of more than 2 million Cambodians in the late 1970s. 

Vice published the work of photographer Matt Loughrey, who edited photos of victims from the S-21 prison in Phnom Penh taken minutes before their executions. Loughrey has been accused of editing the photos so that they show smiling faces, creating waves of backlash for the photographer. 

Torture room. Timoluege. CC BY-NC 2.0. 

Upset relatives of the photographed victims stated that Loughrey’s work was of horrible judgment, citing his acts as degrading the dignity of the victims. Cambodian officials too were outraged upon seeing the photos; the country’s Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts threatened legal action. In addition to insensitive alterations of the photos, the Vice article misidentified one of the victims, publishing incorrect personal details. 

Victims’ skulls. istolethetv. CC BY 2.0.

Others have declared the actions of Loughrey to be crimes against history itself, stating the alterations to be offensive to truth. 

VICE has since removed the photos, citing errors in the company’s editorial process. 

The Bigger Picture 

Beyond the first waves of anger resulting from this incident, larger lessons have been learned by all involved. Primarily, the incident has brought to light a flaw in the way people view history; although history is an analysis of past events, it must be equally weighted against potential consequences for the victims themselves. Second, it highlights that history is not always entirely of the past—there are still over 5 million Khmer Rouge victims living, along with millions of other descendants and close community members. Third, it brings up the question of what should be considered acceptable when it comes to altering representations of history. Is there wiggle room for subjectivity, or should all journalistic representations be as objective as possible? 

Amid the turmoil and animosity between the opposing sides of this conflict, some light still remains. The incident stands as a crucial reminder for everyone that the analysis of history can be as much a weapon as a tool. It remains up to the media, and their audiences, to use the past appropriately.

Ella Nguyen

Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.

A Closer Look at East Africa’s Human-Elephant Conflict

For farming communities in East Africa, elephants pose a danger to survival. Consuming up to 1,000 lbs of food a day, they destroy farmers crops in hours, cause injury and even death. While poaching is publicized, it is actually the human-animal conflict that poses the greatest threat to the species survival.

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No Peace for the People: Ethiopia’s Ethnic Groups Targeted

While citizens and officials alike fear a potential civil war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, the country’s ethnic groups have become targets of violence. Many fear that the current struggles deepen existing ethnic divides. 

Women of the Tigray region in Ethiopia. Rod Waddington. CC BY-SA 2.0. 

Over the past several weeks, the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia has exploded into violence. The current conflict comes after years of mounting tensions between the elected government of the Tigray region and the federal government. The postponement of the September election sparked the most recent series of violent acts; existing ethnic tensions have now transformed into the slaughtering of local ethnic groups, forcing many to flee for safety in Sudan. 

A Rising Civil War 

The tensions in Ethiopia trace back along a labyrinthine history of political unrest, with the primary combatants being the proponents of the federal government and the officials in the Tigray region. Fighting escalated when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed accused the Tigray region of attacking a federal military base and responded by sending an attack on the region. However, underlying issues began back in 2018 when Ahmed was first elected. 

For decades, Ethiopia’s main political party was the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, which began around 1991 when the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) aided the overthrow of the previously Marxist government. Up until 2018, the party had controlled both the political and economic components of the country. With Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s election, the TPLF’s power within the party it founded began to quickly disappear. Ahmed removed and attempted to convict many officials through potentially corrupt means, many of whom escaped to the Tigray region. He also attempted to combine parties that followed ethnic lines, which deepened divides among the groups. 

In response to the prime minister’s recent postponement of the election, the unofficial leaders of the Tigray region made a decision no one in the country had done before: they held their own election. Tigray threatened secession, which is upheld in the nation’s constitution. The federal government, though, responded by withdrawing aid from Tigray and sending in troops. 

Ethnic Targeting

Now that the violence has furthered into increasing physical confrontation, many ethnic groups in Ethiopia feel under attack. Recent killings have left ethnic Tigrayans and ethnic Amharas slaughtered in the streets. Calls for peace talks between the two groups have been rejected, and now nearly 15,000 people have fled for safety. 

There are major criticisms on both sides, with calls for the TPLF’s unconditional surrender coming from the federal government. Meanwhile, the regional government of Tigray has been accused of igniting fear that is believed to have fed into the violent slaughtering of ethnic Amharas. 

Officials fear that these killings could turn into an ethnic cleansing and genocide. Tigrayan locals are dealing with the bulk of the chaos; many are being taken in for questioning and are too fearful to contact family members outside of the region. 

Experts warn that Ethiopia’s history of ethnic conflict will likely repeat itself as the nation spirals into political disarray. Only the potential for peace now holds the nation together as its ethnic groups continue to clash. 

Ella Nguyen

Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.

Unpacking the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and the Armenian Diaspora

The renewed conflict in the South Caucasus region has its roots in long-standing historical divisions between Turkey and Armenia. 

A view of Mount Ararat. West. CC2.0

Tensions between Azerbaijan and Armenia have been renewed due to the ongoing territorial dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh. Fighting started up again on Sept. 27 and has caused massive upheaval and casualties on both sides. Backed by Turkey, the Azerbaijani military bombed Nagorno-Karabakh’s regional capital of Stepanakert with intense artillery fire, while Armenia launched missiles at Ganja (Azerbaijan’s second-largest city), putting citizens in grave danger. Officials speculate that the last two weeks of fighting have proven to be the worst since a cease-fire was brokered by Russia in 1994. Although another cease-fire is a possibility, there is no prediction of what will come next. “Don’t discount the possibility of this turning into something much larger,” said Kevork Oskanian from the University of Birmingham in England. “Once a conflict like this kicks off, it has a dynamic of its own and you don’t know where it will go.”

A Brief History of the Nagorno-Karabakh Dispute

A map of the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Achemish. Wikimedia Commons. CC4.0

The recent fighting is a result of a renewed 32-year-long military conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, also known as Artsakh to Armenians, contains a population of about 150,000. Although completely surrounded by Muslim-majority Azerbaijan, it is governed and claimed by Christian Armenians. Josef Stalin gave the territory to Azerbaijan in 1921 and made it an autonomous region two years later. Initially, the territorial dispute was not violent, as both Armenia and Azerbaijan were under the stronghold of the Soviet Union. However, nationalistic and militaristic tensions increased between the two nations when the USSR began to dissolve. The fighting began in 1991, which resulted in 30,000 casualties and over one million displaced. Although a cease-fire was agreed to in 1994, no official peace deal has been reached. Armenia is happier with the status quo than Azerbaijan, as it was able to reclaim 20% of surrounding land during the fighting in the ‘90s (shown in yellow on the map above). However, Azerbaijan still has a large population of people displaced by the fighting who want to return to their homes. 

Why Turkey is Supporting Azerbaijan

Azerbaijani and Turkish flags in Izmir, Turkey. Anzola. CC 2.0

Azerbaijan is often referred to as a little brother to Turkey, due to the two nations’ connections through cultural, linguistic and religious ties.The two have a relationship built on trade and mutual exchange. Azerbaijan provides a large portion of Turkey’s gas and oil, where the money in return is used to buy weapons from Turkey. Azerbaijan is currently using military weapons provided by Turkey to strike Nagorno-Karabakh, allowing Turkey to increase its political presence in the region. Underpinning Turkey’s involvement in the conflict are the events of 1915, where 1.5 million Armenians were killed under the direction of the Ottoman Empire (present-day Turkey), which many consider a genocide but Turkey denies. Many Armenians see Azerbaijan’s alliance with Turkey as a resurfacing of these events, providing an ultimate threat to their existence and statehood. 

The Conflict Reaches the Armenian Diaspora

An Armenian church in Los Angeles. Steeds. CC2.0

Although Armenia has a population of 3 million, the diaspora population is estimated to be much larger, with notable communities in Australia, Russia, Lebanon, France and Southern California. Although the events of 1915 resulted in mass migrations of Armenians around the world, the diaspora goes as far back as the Middle Ages. Throughout history, many Armenians migrated to new corners of the world due to political upheaval. Armenian merchants often traveled to trade and sell wares, playing a key role in the economies of China, India and Persia. Armenia’s long history of migration and displacement has resulted in a strengthened cultural identity in diaspora communities. Many notable Armenian celebrities, including Kim Kardashian and Serj Tankian, are strong proponents of the Armenian cause, posting on social media to raise awareness of the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute. Armenian lobby groups have held protests in Southern California, as well as asking Armenian-Americans to bring awareness of the conflict to representatives and congresspeople. Some Armenians even contemplate returning to their country to fight Azerbaijan. According to Alex Galitsky, part of the Armenian National Committee of America’s western region, “I think a lot of people see themselves as bearing some responsibility for the defense of our nation.” 

The conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh continues to escalate as nationalistic and militaristic tendencies fuel both sides. True peace will only be reached if Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan are willing to begin the difficult work of listening and embracing each other’s conflicting histories and narratives.

Megan Gürer

Megan is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

Investing in War: How Violence Has Turned into a Profitable Business

Violence finds its home most often in some of the poorest places. But money filtrates its way through often gathering in arms businesses and corrupt governments. In recent times, this has been true in many countries throughout Africa and the Middle East. Is the price of death worth it?

Salva Kiir, President of South Sudan. Jenny Rockett. CC BY-SA 1.0.


There is a moral question that has surfaced over the years on whether you would have to choose between the death of someone you loved or thousands of strangers. Most of the time it would be frowned upon if you picked one life at the expense of thousands. But not everybody agrees. That moral standard doesn’t translate when power is involved. Too often the death of innocent people is picked for monetary gain. This isn’t just found with governments often associated with corruption but also can be found in US foreign policy and even in the UN. Just look at the Rwandan Genocide and Iraqi War for example. The US tends to only involve itself in conflict in which it has another interest in, often oil or another economic benefit. In Rwanda, the UN actually left the country when violence broke out and only got re-involved once it reached international attention. After the genocide ended, the country got so much foreign aid that its capital city, Kigali, is being recreated as a post-modern enterprise focused solely on appearance and not reality. This pattern has continued throughout many conflicts. It is, quite frankly, the business of war.

 This best current examples of this trend lie in South Sudan and Yemen. The rise of the Arab Spring lead to the intermingling of conflict, with wealthy monarchies fueling and funding neighboring battles. This is seen in both Syria and Libya. The most notable pairing though is the UAE in Yemen. Like most foreign involvement it is motivated by economic gain, namely control of the Red Sea coastline, and military prowess, as presence equals power. The UAE’s influence has led to the risk of starvation for 14 million people and a much more complex civil war. The leaders of militia groups are now benefiting greatly from foreign aid while the gap between rich and poor continues to spread.

 South Sudan follows a similar pattern. The civil war has led to leadership on both sides of line pocketing millions and pursuing private business in real estate acquisitions and capital investments. South Sudan’s economy is completely dependent on oil leading to endless conflict over oil reserves and wealth distribution. The war has left over 5 million in need of aid yet little is being done to stop it. When those in charge get nothing but wealth, why save the people?

 One of the biggest culprits of profiting from war lies in the companies controlling valuable natural resources. Often these companies are foreign owned and operated and give little thought to the violence surrounding it, focusing only on the influx of cash. These goals often coincide with a repressive regime. A study from the World Bank found that if one-fourth of the country's GDP is from primary commodity exports, the possibility of a civil war increases by 30%. Two examples of this are in Columbia and Tibet. Both areas have repressive governments with Tibet under illegal occupation of China. This has allowed for the expansion of foreign interest in mining in both countries, often with little regard to the surrounding area and the people that live there. In Columbia alone, 68% of displacements occurred in mining areas.

As long as money is involved and there are people, governments, and companies benefitting from war and violence, there is little motivation to change. If only we could learn that you don’t need to fight violence with violence, you fight by combatting the wealth of those with power.  

DEVIN O’DONNELL’s interest in travel was cemented by a multi-month trip to East Africa when she was 19. Since then, she has continued to have immersive experiences on multiple continents. Devin has written for a start-up news site and graduated from the University of Michigan with a degree in Neuroscience.

Palestine Launches Global Mental Health Network

Palestinian health workers started a network to help Palestinians with emotional well-being, as they have among the highest rates for anxiety and depression due to the ongoing conflict with Israel.

The Palestinian people have exceedingly high rates for anxiety and depression. Health professionals recently began a network to help combat these disorders. Hasty Words. CC0.

Palestinian health workers recently launched the Palestine-Global Mental Health Network, in order to assist with their people’s emotional well-being and assert their professional stance. 

Palestinian people have among the highest rates for anxiety and depression, in large part due to the continuous strife between Israel and Palestine. Unexpected raids in the middle of the night, checkpoints, teargas, and jailed young children all contribute to a profound sense of hopelessness and despair. For example, young men who seek out mental health services often explain that they think of looking for the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) to create a confrontation in the potential hope that they’ll be killed, according to Mondoweiss. Suicidal ideation, depression, trauma, and anxiety are undoubtedly high conditions in most people. 

This network was partially launched because of a meeting held in Tel Aviv toward the end of June for the International Association for Relational Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy. The location was impossible to get to for Palestinian professionals who wished to attend, due to restriction of movement. Last year, a petition was circulated by the USA-Palestine Mental Health Network, with support from the Jewish Voice for Peace and UK-Palestine Mental Health Network, asking that the location be changed, but the petition was not answered. 

The launch for the Palestine-Global Mental Health Network was held at the Palestinian Red Crescent’s headquarters in al-Bireh. The Palestine Red Crescent Society is involved in health care in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. It collaborated with the Palestinian Social and Psychological Syndicate and the Arab Psychological Association as well. 

Over 150 Palestinian health professionals attended from various cities, including Gaza, Haifa, Ramleh, and Jerusalem, among others. UK and U.S.-based Palestinian professionals joined through video-conferencing. The network plans to assist Palestinian people, regardless of geographic location, and promote mental health, social justice, and human dignity among people in general, and Palestinians in particular. A major goal is to augment Palestinian resistance to violence. More generally, this network will cooperate with others in the U.S., the UK, and Belgium to strengthen their programs and establish similar organizations.

The speeches addressed specific topics, as well as general thoughts on why an organization like this is necessary. In the closing session, a task force was created that would organize a paper explaining the network’s opening strategies and general framework. A separate committee was commissioned to carry out projects and plans agreed upon at the conference.

Another branch for the same organization also recently begun in Belgium. Their overall goal is also to make known the effects of occupation on the mental health of the Palestinian people. Activities include conferences, panels, and trips for international co-workers to visit Palestine and meet with other professionals, among others, according to the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs. The networks in Belgium, the U.S., and the UK generally work independently, but occasionally collaborate on ideas, strategies, and campaigns.

Mental health workers have an important role to play in the continuing struggle between Israel and Palestine, and these collaborating networks show that they intend to assist as best they can.





NOEMI ARELLANO-SUMMER is a journalist and writer living in Boston, MA. She is a voracious reader and has a fondness for history and art. She is currently at work on her first novel and wants to eventually take a trip across Europe.