What Happened to Australia’s ‘Stolen Generation’?

Zoe Lodge

A look into the history and consequence of removal practices against indigenous Australian youth, the “Stolen Generation.”

Indigenous Australian children. Mark Roy. CC BY-SA 2.0.

From the early 20th century until as late as the 1970s, Australia carried out a government-sanctioned campaign that forcibly removed Indigenous children from their families in a bid to assimilate them into white society. While much global attention has focused on the legacy of boarding schools for Indigenous children in North America, similar practices were inflicted on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples under British colonial rule, often with the encouragement of the Roman Catholic Church and other Christian institutions. These efforts left generational scars, contributing to the systemic inequality and social fragmentation that persist into the modern day.

This dark chapter in Australian history is commonly referred to as the “Stolen Generation.” According to a report conducted by the U.S. Department of the Interior, which investigated comparable initiatives across the globe, roughly one in three Indigenous children in Australia were forcibly taken from their homes between 1910 and 1970. These children were placed in church- and state-run institutions or sent to live with white families that exemplified Western values, where they were stripped of their language, culture and identity. The underlying goal, both ideological and colonial, was to “civilize” these children by erasing their cultural roots and integrating them into a white-dominated society.

These practices were grounded in a racist belief system that deemed white Australian culture, rooted in Western European culture, inherently superior. Authorities at the time regarded the removal of Indigenous children as a moral duty and a practical solution to what was referred to as “the Aboriginal problem.” In reality, the result was a trauma that has rippled through generations. Children taken from their families frequently endured physical and emotional abuse, neglect, and, in many cases, sexual assault. They were often treated as cheap labor and denied access to adequate education and healthcare.

Although Australia never formally established a network of Indigenous boarding schools akin to those in the U.S. and Canada, the assimilationist mission was no less destructive. Despite making up only about 6% of Australia’s youth population, Indigenous children account for almost 50% of those in out-of-home care, which includes placement in foster care, group homes and with kinship carers. This gaping disparity emphasizes the lasting effects of these programs, leaving First Nations people to deal with dislocation, cultural loss and intergenerational trauma.

In recent years, the Australian government has taken steps to acknowledge and atone for these policies. A national apology was issued in 2008, followed by reparations exceeding $375 million for surviving members of the Stolen Generation. Additionally, individual states have contributed over $200 million in compensation funds for those affected. However, many argue that financial reparations, while important, cannot undo the profound harm caused by decades of systemic cultural erasure and displacement.

Australia’s history with its Indigenous populations is not unique. As the DOI report highlights, these tactics of domination and forced assimilation are not isolated but part of a broader colonial pattern seen across Canada, the United States and New Zealand. These initiatives, driven by the dual forces of governmental policies and religious institutions, sought to erase Indigenous culture in favor of Eurocentric ideals. From the earliest boarding schools in the United States and Canada to parallel programs in Australia and New Zealand, the common thread was the colonial power’s blatant disregard for the autonomy, culture and humanity of Indigenous communities, particularly through religious messaging and values. These institutions inflicted lasting harm, not only by physically removing children from their homes and subjecting them to abuse but also by obliterating the cultural traditions and languages that sustained Indigenous identities for generations. 

GET INVOLVED:

One of the primary organizations focused on bringing justice to the First Nations people of Australia is ANTAR, which offers several ways to get involved, raise awareness and contribute to justice for the Indigenous people of Australia. Locals can volunteer with the organizations, and citizens worldwide can contribute to fundraising efforts or participate in global education and awareness campaigns. Other organizations with similar missions include Pay the Rent, IWGIA and the Aboriginal Legal Service.

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Zoe Lodge

Zoe is a student at the University of California, Berkeley, where she is studying English and Politics, Philosophy, & Law. She combines her passion for writing with her love for travel, interest in combatting climate change, and concern for social justice issues.

Barring Basic Rights: Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Regulation

Modern anti-gay regulations continue to threaten the lives and safety of Ugandan LGBTQ+ individuals. 

Group Marching in Support of Uganda’s LGBTQ+ Community. Alisdare Hickson. CC BY-SA 2.0.

Known for having one of the world’s harshest LGBTQ+ rights records, the Ugandan parliament has pursued longstanding efforts to diminish same-sex activity within the country. As a result of 19th-century British colonization, the severe criminalization of homosexuality set the stage for modern homophobic sentiments. This culminated in the Anti-Homosexuality Act of 2023, which was later upheld by the Ugandan parliament in April 2024. 

The 2023 Anti-Homosexuality Act was signed into law by Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni in May 2023, enforcing strict restrictions against LGBTQ+ individuals. Implementing harsh penalties, the act demands life imprisonment for consensual same-sex activity and the death penalty in cases of “aggravated homosexuality,” a term that denotes any same-sex act that involves people under 18, older than 75, those with a disability, or when consent is not given or cannot be given. This act is not the first attempt to limit LGBTQ+ rights in Uganda. In 2010, the Ugandan parliament passed a bill introducing similarly anti-gay legislation that was eventually ruled illegal by the constitutional court due to its lack of necessary quorum. In 2021, however, the president succeeded in passing a sexual offenses bill that criminalized same-sex relationships and sex work in Uganda. 

While the Ugandan government has praised such legislation as acting in the country’s best interest, the persistent condemnation of same-sex actions has negatively impacted the lives of LGBTQ+ Ugandans. This has not only promoted anti-gay views but has also threatened lives through the reduction of HIV prevention and perpetuation of societal abuse. In an interview with Amnesty International, Ugandan activist and founder of the gay and intersex rights organization Freedom and Roam Uganda (FARUG), Jacqueline Kasha described the new law’s impact on her community. She contends that advocacy and visibility for LGBTQ+ individuals have sharply diminished with the aggressive crackdown: “Several LGBTI persons have since gone underground which is now impeding all our efforts, especially in the health sphere in the fight against HIV, mental illness and economic disparities.” The 2023 Act has allowed anti-gay groups to accuse or arrest people with little evidence or reasoning. As such, LGBTQ+ individuals are vulnerable to attack when outside the safety of their homes, forced to hide their identities under the threat of violence. Furthermore, those in need of HIV services have become disproportionately vulnerable to health risks, driven away from receiving care due to fear of criminal punishment or discrimination. 

The first case of “aggravated homosexuality” has already come into effect: 21-year-old Michael Opolot was arrested in August 2023 after allegedly participating in public sexual activity with another man reported to have a disability. While the new act permits this arrest, there has not been any evidence submitted by police to substantiate claims that the alleged victim is disabled and therefore could not give consent. Opolot’s case has provoked Ugandan activists to challenge the law's constitutionality, citing the act’s contradiction of citizens’ freedom from discrimination and rights to privacy and health. Moreover, they have noted that Opolot’s case demonstrates the senseless oppression of LGBTQ+ individuals. Ugandan activist Clare Byarugaba affirmed that this mistreatment not only violates human rights but also suppresses advocacy, as “activists, public health workers, and others face long prison sentences and hefty fines” for attempting to voice support.  

As a result of such political, social and health persecution, the LGBTQ+ population in Uganda has been left unprotected and endangered by intimidating threats. Although Uganda’s government views the recent passing of anti-homosexual legislation as a “step forward” for the country, many in the LGBTQ+ community have experienced the opposite result in their daily lives. Several international organizations and governments have commented on the bill, with United States President Joe Biden describing the act as a “tragic violation of universal human rights,” and the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) explaining that “criminalizing populations most at risk of HIV, such as the LGBTQ+ communities, obstructs access to life-saving health and HIV services.” Despite such international criticism, anti-homosexuality continues to loom largely over Uganda and LGBTQ+ existence within the country.

TO GET INVOLVED

Those looking to support LGBTQ+ communities in Uganda can do so by getting involved with organizations dedicated to supporting individuals inside the country as well as those who have fled. Such organizations include: Sexual Minorities Uganda (SMUG), an LGBTQ+ advocacy organization, Universal Coalition of Affirming Africans Uganda (UCAA - UG), a human rights organization advocating for human rights and marginalized people, and Global Black Gay Men Connect (GBGMC), a group collaborating with Uganda Key Populations Consortium (UKPC) and SMUG to launch an emergency response fund to support LGBTQ+ Ugandans.

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Julia is a recent graduate from UC San Diego majoring in Sociocultural Anthropology with a minor in Art History. She is passionate about cultural studies and social justice, and one day hopes to obtain a postgraduate degree expanding on these subjects. In her free time, she enjoys reading, traveling, and spending time with her friends and family.

4B: Why are American Women Swearing Off Men?

American women are participating in the 4B Movement which originated in South Korea, swearing off dating, marriage and sex.

Women in South Korea at a 4B protest. Free Malaysia Today. CC BY 4.0. 

In the wake of Donald Trump winning the 2024 U.S. Presidential Election, social media flooded with thousands of posts from women announcing that they were swearing off men as part of the 4B Movement. But what exactly is the 4B Movement, and what does it hope to accomplish? 

Originating in South Korea, the feminist 4B Movement derives its name from its four tenets, which all start with the Korean prefix “bi” (or “no”) and denote a denial of something. Indeed, these four “Bs” are: don’t have children (bichulsan), don’t have sex with men (bisekseu), don’t date men (biyeonae) and don’t marry them either (bihon). The movement began in the mid-to-late 2010s as a protest against rising anti-woman sentiments among the nation’s men — especially following the hate-motivated stabbing of a young woman in Seoul in 2016. By withholding heterosexual attachments and exacerbating the nation’s flagging birth rates, South Korean women hope that the movement will provoke the nation’s leadership and male population into caring more about women’s rights. “I think a lot of women, through not participating in marriage and childbearing or relationships with men see a value in dropping the numbers to show through these statistics that women are not going to participate in [any] national agenda unless you listen to where women are coming from,” as Yale sociologist Meera Choi told The Times.  

In South Korea, 4B is primarily a fringe movement. Its practices are so elusive and decentralized that the best estimate we have for its total number of participants is anywhere between 5,000 and 50,000, a wide range that highlights researchers’ uncertainty. However,  since Nov. 5, 2024, some women in the United States have expressed a desire to introduce the movement mainstream in the West. Immediately following the 2024 U.S. Presidential Election, many expressed shock and fear that Donald Trump — a figure with a well-documented history of sexual misconduct — had again achieved the highest office in the country. Particularly, some were distressed by the sheer number of men that had turned out for Trump, believing their votes to represent endorsements of or even apathy toward Trump’s misogynistic behaviors (“Among men, who made up 47% of the electorate,” NBC News reported, “Trump won 55%”). 

Trump supporters at one of his rallies in August 2024. Greg Skidmore. CC BY 2.0. 

For these women, 4B’s appeal of sticking it to the government and an indifferent, if not overtly hostile, male population was immediate. “Young men expect sex, but they also want us to not be able to have access to abortion. They can’t have both,” Michaela Thomas told The Washington Post, referring to Trump’s first-term Supreme Court nominations who helped overturn Roe v. Wade. “Young women don’t want to be intimate with men who don’t fight for women’s rights; it’s showing they don’t respect us.” 

4B’s popularity quickly caught on across social media. “Good luck getting laid, especially in Florida! [...] Me and my girlies are participating in the 4B Movement,” user @brielleybelly123 posted to TikTok. User @rabbitsandtea also posted on the platform: “Doing my part as an American woman by breaking up with my [R]epublican boyfriend last night and officially joining the 4B [M]ovement this morning.” Some liberal men have also expressed support for 4B. “The best way to show the importance of taking away women’s rights is to make sure men are affected as much as possible alongside them,” a  Buzzfeed commenter wrote. As Instagram user @nosybystanders told her female fanbase: “Why exactly are you going to keep be[ing] subservient to a nation that [literally doesn’t] care about you?” 

An anti-Trump women’s march following his election in 2016. Fabrice Florin. CC BY 2.0.

4B finds footing in an America currently experiencing a widening political gender gap. Young women are becoming more liberal as men drift further to the right and deeper into conservatism. In October 2024, a New York Times/Siena College poll found that “young women — those ages 18 to 29 — favored Vice President Kamala Harris for president by 38 points. And men in the same age group favored former President Donald J. Trump by 13 points. That is a whopping 51-point divide along gender lines, larger than in any other generation.” As Claire Cain Miller reported, this is partly because young women have been “politically galvanized” by “tthe triple punch of Hillary Clinton’s loss to Mr. Trump, the #MeToo movement and the overturning of Roe v. Wade.” On the other hand, young men feel increasingly “unvalued” by young women and “see former President Donald J. Trump as a champion of traditional manhood.” In terms of the 4B Movement, participants know firsthand how this male-harbored resentment can manifest in internet trolls’ hate comments.

Under @brielleybelly123’s video, @user813858060727 commented, “Thanks for not reproducing. You’re doing us all a favor.” Elsewhere, beneath a separate post under the 4B Movement hashtag, TikTok user @feronity commented, “Took a fu—kin new president just to stop being wh—res.” In the context of this vitriolic pushback — coupled with increased threats of “Your Body, My Choice” among young right-wing men — it becomes less surprising that women are joining the 4B Movement. 

A protestor carrying an anti-Trump sign at the 2017 Women’s March. CC0.

Some of the online discourses surrounding women’s participation in the 4B movement are likely exaggerations: not every woman who posts about partaking in 4B is likely to completely follow through with its tenets, especially in the long term. For all of the buzz that it’s created in the U.S., 4B has never been among the top 100 trending hashtags on TikTok, signaling that hype for the movement has been largely sensationalized. But so long as Trump continues to campaign on misogynistic rhetoric and policies — and men continue to listen — the underlying sentiments of 4B will remain real, and so will their implications for increasingly fed-up women. 

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Bella Liu

Bella is a student at UC Berkeley studying English, Media Studies and Journalism. When she’s not writing or working through the books on her nightstand, you can find her painting her nails red, taking digicam photos with her friends or yelling at the TV to make the Dodgers play better. Bella is a student at UC Berkeley studying English, Media Studies, and Journalism. When she’s not writing or working through the books on her nightstand, you can find her painting her nails red, taking digicam photos with her friends or yelling at the TV to make the Dodgers play better.

The Direction of Iran’s Woman, Life, Freedom Movement

With tensions high domestically and internationally, women both inside and outside of Iran are cynical that things will change. 

A mural in support of the Jin, Jiyan, Azadi (Woman, Life, Freedom) movement. Herzi Pinki. CC BY 4.0

For many in Iran, history can be broken up into two epochs: before 1979 and after. Women, in particular, find significance in this demarcation because Iran’s 1979 Islamic Revolution brought the expansion — and then constriction — of their rights. These tensions surrounding women’s role in Iranian society came to a head in 2022, when the widespread Woman, Life, Freedom movement put them on global display. But the Woman, Life, Freedom movement didn’t spawn out of nowhere, and it’s important to look at its past when considering its future.

Women at the 1979 International Women’s Day protests in Tehran. Mohammad Sayad. CC0

Prior to the Iranian Revolution, women saw their rights and opportunities gradually expand as part of the country’s modernization efforts. The state wanted to Westernize itself, and this manifested in women being mandated (sometimes violently) to not veil themselves, per a 1936 decree. But the revolution saw the nation shirk its Western influences  — thanks in large part to women. While some mobilized public demonstrations, others acted as nurses and first responders. Few fought in guerilla conflicts, but many wore hijabs to protest the monarchy's 1936 ban on veils, linking modest dress with the revolution’s vision of a new Iran. 

However, after the revolution succeeded and the pro-Western monarchy was overthrown for an Islamist theocracy, women’s roles became more limited. In an interview I conducted with  Iranian Circle of Women’s Intercultural Network steering committee member Ruja Kia, she affirmed, “Adding the religious components of private life to the law of the land never makes things easier for women.”  

The revolution placed nearly all Iranian state power in the role of “the supreme leader,” where it still remains today. As both a religious and  political authority, the first supreme leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, sought to curb women’s post-revolution rights and professional opportunities in favor of a return to traditional domesticity. Further, after revolutionaries associated modesty with the new Islamic Republic, Khomeini mandated women to cover themselves with hijabs. What had once been a symbol of dissent and autonomy became a violently imposed law. 

The 1979 hijab mandate notably came under international scrutiny in 2022, following the death of Mahsa Amini. Iran’s Guidance Patrol, or morality police, arrested Amini for an “improper hijab.” She died in their custody three days later —  officially of a heart attack but allegedly of police brutality (In our interview, Ruja Kia also noted that Amini was Kurdish, an Iranian ethnic minority that often faces discrimination). 

A man protests in support of the Woman, Life, Freedom movement following Amini’s death. Ilias Bartolini. CC BY 2.0

Amini’s death sparked mass protests — not only in Iran but also around the world. Internationally, the rallying cry was “woman, life, freedom,” a translation of the Kurdish feminist slogan “Jin, Jiyan, Azadi.” For its criticisms against the compulsory hijab, the morality police and the Islamic Republic in general, the Woman, Life, Freedom movement has been intensely repressed by Iran’s current supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Iranian security forces have killed more than 500 demonstrators and arrested thousands across the country.

“I say explicitly that these [Woman, Life, Freedom] riots and this insecurity were a design by the US and the occupying, fake Zionist regime [Israel],” Khamenei said in 2022, as reported by Al Jazeera. On a broader scale, Khamenei believes that the hijab is a religious and therefore, moral obligation. He further contended that gender equality is a Western plot designed to weaken Iran: “[The West] feel[s] that [Iran] is progressing towards full-scale power and they can’t tolerate this.” Because of and in spite of Khamenei’s deadly response, the Women, Life, Freedom movement gained international prominence, making the future of women’s rights in Iran an unavoidable and salient issue in the recent election. 

Two women attend a Woman, Life, Freedom protest wearing past versions of the Iranian flag. Taymaz Valley. CC BY 2.0

Masoud Pezeshkian, Iran’s newest president, campaigned on a reformist platform, asserting a desire to steer the nation toward greater peace. Now, after taking office in July, he has a chance to do so. For many nations that have tensions with Iran, having the moderate Pezeskian in office is cause for cautious optimism. Inside Iran’s borders, however, women are still reeling from the pushback Woman, Life, Freedom received two years ago and are thus more cynical about the promise of Pezeshkian’s election. “Although we might see more moderate approaches in bigger metropolitan areas, women across the rest of Iran will stay controlled by family customs and norms,” said Ruja Kia. 

As the only reformist in a field of six candidates, Pezeshkian’s positions on women’s rights stood out as the most progressive. Frequently invoking his daughter, a chemist, and the memory of his late wife, a gynecologist, he spoke of increasing women’s presence in the professional sector: “A woman is not a servant at home,” Pezeshkian wrote on X. 

Regarding the mandatory hijab, Pezeshkian has expressed support for relaxing the mandate:  “The behavior of Iranian girls will not change. Just as the previous [1936 laws] could not forcibly remove the hijab from the heads of our women, you cannot force them to wear the hijab by passing a law,” he wrote in another X post. But some, like Kimia Adibi, the President of UC Berkeley’s Iranian Students’ Cultural Organization, believe that  Pezeshkian’s words are empty promises. “[Pezeshkian’s] not actually pushing for women’s freedom and change because if he were, he never would’ve been allowed to run,” Adibi said to me. “Anyone who’s an actual radical reformist and believes in women’s freedom and not forcing the mandatory hijab… like, they’re not even going to make it to the candidacy level.”

A woman at a Woman, Life, Freedom protest. Matt Hrkac. CC BY 2.0

Pezeshkian’s parliamentary record shows that he’s supported restrictions on women’s rights in the past, and alongside the posts he made calling for women’s rights, he also posted to X, “All of us move towards dignity and power according [...] to the general policies of the supreme leader.” 

For Iranian feminists, the zeitgeist has not shifted. While it’s not impossible, they say, for Pezeshkian to achieve some reform — “little shifts,” as Adibi put it — so long as religion and politics remain married to an ultimate authority who violently rejects gender equality, women’s rights in Iran will not improve much under the new president. 

A Woman, Life, Freedom protest sign in Kurdish, English and Persian. Pirehelokan. CC BY 4.0 

“I’ll speak for myself,” Adibi said, “but I think most Iranians are not super optimistic about the direction of women’s rights under this president. And they won’t be under the next president, or the next president, under however many presidents until the supreme leader is removed from power.” 

When speaking with an admin from the Instagram account @irans.feminist.liberation, I found this feeling re-affirmed. “The future for women and minorities in Iran remains bleak,” she said, “unless there is significant internal pressure for change.

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Bella Liu

Bella is a student at UC Berkeley studying English, Media Studies and Journalism. When she’s not writing or working through the books on her nightstand, you can find her painting her nails red, taking digicam photos with her friends or yelling at the TV to make the Dodgers play better.

Stopping AAPI Hate: Checking in on the Lead Asian Hate Prevention Group

With Anti-Asian hate on the rise, see what Stop AAPI Hate is doing to combat it and how you can help.

A Stop Asian Hate demonstration in Washington, DC. Elvert Barnes. CC BY 2.0

In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, the United States saw a dramatic increase in anti-Asian hate crimes and attacks. According to the FBI’s data reports, the number of recorded hate crimes exploded to 424 in 2020, up almost 175% from 2019. A survey by the Pew Research Center showed 1 in 3 Asian Americans knew someone who had been attacked or threatened because of their race. Many believed that Sinophobic rumors placing the origin of the COVID-19 virus in China fueled this sharp increase in violence.

Out of this crisis arose the organization Stop AAPI Hate. Initially meant to document anti-Asian hate in the US, Stop AAPI Hate has become a full-fledged advocacy group. The organization has several ongoing campaigns, such as the wildly successful No Place for Hate movement. The group also advocates for policy changes (such as a law in California that aims to prevent harassment on public transit), working to strengthen civil rights protections across the board. In 2023, Stop AAPI Hate fought to stop a potential Texas law that would prevent AAPI (Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders) immigrants from purchasing houses.

More recently, Stop AAPI Hate has moved towards bolstering the confidence and security of AAPIs across the country. In May 2024, a national survey by the organization showed the value of pride and supportive narratives in combating the fear spread by hate crimes. In response to this data, Stop AAPI Hate has announced a new program, Spread AAPI Love, which aims to foster supportive and celebratory connections between AAPIs across the country.

Stop AAPI Hate’s progress has been somewhat restricted by a seemingly unending rise in anti-Asian hate. The organization’s annual survey this year revealed that almost half of all AAPIs in the US were subject to some form of racism or hate. In 2024, there have been a number of reports documenting anti-Asian violence. In February, a man assaulted a Filipino woman on the street in New York. In April, a Massachusetts man ran over a Vietnamese man with his car. In August, a 26-year-old Korean girl calling for medical assistance was instead shot dead by police. The government has acknowledged these crimes and the systems preventing them from being properly reported, but bureaucracy has prevented true justice.

Stop AAPI Hate is doing its best to call attention to these cases as instances of anti-Asian violence continue to rise since the COVID-19 pandemic. Although they have made great progress, their mission is far from complete.

How You Can Help

Stop AAPI Hate is always accepting donations and support, both in general and for their specific campaigns. Many other organizations also dedicate themselves to stopping the spread of hate, including Asian Americans Advancing Justice, Red Canary Song, and the National Asian Pacific American Women’s Forum.

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Ryan Livingston

Ryan is a senior at The College of New Jersey, majoring in English and minoring in marketing. Since a young age, Ryan has been passionate about human rights and environmental action and uses his writing to educate wherever he can. He hopes to pursue a career in professional writing and spread his message even further.

Aboriginal Australians: Ancient Roots and Modern Struggles

Centuries after British Settlement and mass destruction of their culture, Aboriginal Australians continue to be discriminated against by the Australian government. 

Aboriginal Men in 2011. Steve Evans. CC BY 2.0

Aboriginal Australians have experienced systemic disadvantages throughout Australia’s history. Noted as one of the oldest Indigenous communities living outside of Africa, Aboriginal Australians led an advanced lifestyle in precolonial times. According to an article in The Conversation, Indigenous Australians are noted for “establishing complex religions, burying their dead with elaborate rituals, engaging in long-distance trade, making jewelry, and producing magnificent works of art” when Europe was still home to Neanderthals. 

The ancestors of Indigenous Australians migrated to the continent from Southeast Asian countries like Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei, Indonesia and the Philippines. Numerous studies investigating the Indigenous group conclude that Aborigines have lived in Australia for approximately 65,000 years. Across the country, Aborigines speak more than 250 distinct languages. There are two classifications of Indigenous people in Australia—the Aboriginal peoples and the Torres Strait Islanders. Aboriginal Australians are those whose ancestors lived in mainland Australia before the arrival of European colonists, while Torres Strait Islanders have traditionally lived in an archipelago between the continent and Papua New Guinea to the north. 

Over time, Australia’s Aboriginal presence has fallen to just 3% of the national population due to colonization and legal restrictions. When British Settlement began in 1788, 750,000 to 1.25 million Aboriginal Australians were living in the country at the time. The British brought epidemics, land seizures, and violent conflict, subjecting most Aboriginal Australians to poverty and massacres. According to National Geographic, “[t]hough the term ‘genocide’ remains controversial, people related to the continent’s first inhabitants are widely considered to have been wiped out through violence.” 

From 1910 to 1970, the Australian government created assimilation policies for Aboriginal Australian children, resulting in the Stolen Generations. Successive administrations took Indigenous children away from their families and put them into adoptive families or institutions, forbidding them from speaking their native languages or even keeping their original names.

Today’s Aborigines still face various hurdles as a result of settlement, one being accessible maternal healthcare.  Edie, an Aboriginal woman interviewed by BBC, explains her recent involvement with a movement called Birthing on Country following the birth of her fourth child and observations about the dearth in Indigenous mother healthcare in Australia. Her colleague and co-director of the Molly Wardahuha Research Centre Yvette Roe explains that the organization is, “a concept with key elements: when we talk about ‘Country,’ we’re talking about ancestral connection to the country where we’re born. We’re talking about 60,000 years of connection to the land and sky.” Lack of proper maternal care for Indigenous mothers results in them being three times more likely to die during childbirth than non-Indigenous mothers, and their babies almost twice as likely to die in the first year. The maternal health crisis reflects general disparities that exist for Australia’s Indigenous population. Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Islander people face high levels of discrimination, unemployment, poor housing and poor education compared to their counterparts. Concentration in remote locations has also limited access to life-saving services.

Additionally, Aboriginals continue to fight for general recognition and restitution by the Australian government. As the only country in the Commonwealth of Nations country to not make a treaty with its Indigenous population, Australia's Parliament attempted to recognise Aboriginals in its Constitution and create an Indigenous advisory board that would weigh in on national, relevant issues along with Parliament. In the fall of 2023, Australia rejected the referendum. While most of the Indigenous voters were in favor of the referendum, 60% of Australian voters said no. The Aboriginal community took a week of silence and reflection following the decision. In the Queensland Parliament, the "Path to Treaty Act 2023" was legislated with an 88 out of 92 member majority. Truth and Treaty Queensland described it as a, “Historic piece of legislation … the Act provides the legislative framework for the Truth-telling and Healing Inquiry and the First Nations Treaty Institute to be established.”

Since the late 1700’s,  Aboriginal Australians have struggled at the hands of foreign settlers. Whether it is maternal healthcare or incorporation into Australia’s Constitution, their rights and needs have been and continue to be disregarded in numerous ways across the country. 

TO GET INVOLVED

Australians are encouraged to get involved with their local Aboriginal communities by attending community events and participating in local Aboriginal tours. Residents can also explore local Aboriginal Land Councils to learn about what actions are currently being taken in their communities. Creativespirits.info explains what land councils do to help Indigenous Australians and has a comprehensive list of Aboriginal land councils in Australia. Activist groups such as Australians for Native Title and Reconciliation (ANTaR) and Stop the Intervention Collective Sydney (STICS) are actively working to help remediate the injustices Aboriginals are facing across Australia.

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Aanya Panyadahundi

Aanya is a student at the University of Michigan studying sociology and journalism on a pre-law path. She loves to travel the world whenever she can, always eager to learn more about the different cultures and societies around her. In her free time, she likes to play the violin, ski, and listen to podcasts.

UAE Activists Sentenced on Terrorism Charges

The United Arab Emirates has sentenced 43 activists to life in prison for their alleged participation in terrorist organizations.

Khalidiya, Abu Dhabi. Thomas Galvez. CC BY 2.0

In 2024, the UAE tried 84 defendants for terrorism charges for  "co-operating with al-Islah" and money laundering, individuals human rights groups have determined are activists and not terrorists. Al-Islah is considered to be the Emirati version of the Muslim Brotherhood, a pan-Islamic organization declared a terrorist group by the Emirates. In 2014, the UAE passed Terrorism Law No. 7. The law defines terrorism as, among other things, “stirring panic among a group of people” and “antagonizing the state,” a broad definition that makes it possible for peaceful dissent to be labeled terrorism. “Terrorist organizations” are defined as groups that act to create “direct or indirect terrorist outcome regardless of the … place of establishment of the group or the place where it operates or exists, or the nationality of its members or places.” Along with the passage of the law, the UAE state news agency announced that the cabinet had “approved a list of designated terrorist organizations and groups in implementation of Federal Law No. 7 for 2014.” Muslim organizations that operate legally in the United States and Norway were included on the list.

On July 10, 43 of the defendants were sentenced to life in prison, while 10 received 10 to 15 years in prison. Human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, insist that the defendants are innocent and that the UAE is abusing its justice system to punish activists, government critics and democracy advocates for forming an independent advocacy group in 2010. In the UAE, these groups mainly advocate for freedom of expression and assembly, the right to a healthy environment and workers' rights, as well as an end to arbitrary detention, torture and the death penalty. 

The indictment, the charges, the defense lawyers and the defendants' names have all been kept secret by the government. They are known only partially through leaks. One of the known defendants, Ahmed Mansoor, is on the Board of the Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR) and the MENA Division Advisory Committee for Human Rights Watch, and was arrested on charges relating to his human rights activities. Another, Mohammed al-Roken, is a human rights lawyer who was arrested on charges related to his peaceful criticism of the Egyptian and Emirati authorities. Yet another three, Nasser bin Ghaith, Abdulsalam Darwish al-Marzouqi and Sultan Bin Kayed al-Qasimi, are academics.

The mass sentencing marks the UAE’s second-largest trial of this nature. The proceedings and the verdict were criticized for the lack of transparency and fairness, along with various other allegations of violations of justice, including but not limited to torture, solitary confinement, withholding evidence from lawyers and the removal of key witnesses. Joey Shea, a UAE researcher at Human Rights Watch, called the sentencing a “mockery of justice”, saying, “The UAE has dragged scores of its most dedicated human rights defenders and civil society members through a shamelessly unfair trial riddled with due process violations and torture allegations.”

Authorities launched the new mass trial during COP28, the international climate gathering held in Dubai in 2023. The case had been ongoing since 7 December 2023, yet the UAE only acknowledged the trial was taking place a month after human rights groups and journalists first uncovered and reported it. A number of the defendants had already spent ten years behind bars after being convicted in 2013 for their alleged involvement with the Justice and Dignity Committee, a branch of the al-Islah movement. This has sparked protests that the Emirati authorities are violating the principle of double jeopardy, which prohibits trying people twice for the same offense after receiving a final verdict.

The mass trial reflects a broader trend of the UAE using its anti-terrorism laws to stifle dissent and suppress political opposition. Devin Kenney, Amnesty International’s UAE Researcher, said in a statement, “Trying 84 Emiratis at once, including 26 prisoners of conscience and well-known human rights defenders is a scarcely disguised exercise in punishing dissenters…This case should be the nail in the coffin of the UAE’s attempts to disguise its horrendous human rights abuses behind a progressive façade.”

The UAE government, however, has staunchly defended its judicial process, maintaining that the convictions were based on solid evidence of terrorism-related activities. Officials have argued that the country’s stringent laws are necessary to combat extremism and ensure national security. The court ruled that those convicted “have worked to create and replicate violent events in the country, similar to what has occurred in other Arab states—including protests and clashes between the security forces and protesting crowds—that led to deaths and injuries and to the destruction of facilities, as well as the consequent spread of panic and terror among people.”

Critics argue that the country’s use of anti-terrorism laws to quash political dissent is part of a wider pattern of repression. They point to other cases where activists, journalists and opposition figures have been detained and sentenced under similar charges, calling for greater scrutiny of the UAE’s legal practices and human rights record. The recent trial is a stark reminder of the ongoing struggle for human rights and justice in the UAE and the broader Arab world. The international community’s response to this case will likely shape the future of human rights advocacy in the region and beyond, as activists continue to call for greater transparency, accountability and fairness in the UAE’s judicial system.

TO GET INVOLVED

Emirates Detainees Advocacy Center: Emirates Detainees Advocacy Centre (EDAC) is a non-profit organization founded in 2021 by a group of human rights activists to support detainees of conscience in the UAE and shed light on their cases. Their website contains important information on cases in the UAE.

Amnesty International: Amnesty International is a global organization whose mission is to undertake research and action focused on preventing and ending grave abuses of these rights. Their website provides information on their projects and how to join their organization.

Human Rights Watch: Human Rights Watch (HRW) is an organization that investigates and reports on abuses happening in all corners of the world. They work to protect the most at risk, from vulnerable minorities and civilians in wartime to refugees and children in need. They direct their advocacy toward governments, armed groups and businesses, pushing them to change or enforce their laws, policies and practices. HRW's website provides information on their projects and how to join the organization.

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Rebecca Pitcairn

Rebecca studies Italian Language and Literature, Classical Civilizations, and English Writing at the University of Pittsburgh. She hopes to one day attain a PhD in Classical Archeology. She is passionate about feminism and climate justice. She enjoys reading, playing the lyre, and longboarding in her free time. 

2024 Paris Olympics: Challenges, Protests and Controversies

From transportation and public safety concerns in Paris to discontent in Tahiti, the 2024 Paris Olympic Games are riddled with contention.

The Eiffel Tower with the logo of the Olympic Games. Ibex73. CC BY 4.0 via Wikimedia Commons

As the countdown to the 2024 Olympic Games in Paris reaches its final days, anticipation is building among the estimated 15 million visitors set to descend upon the city. However, this year’s games are not without their share of controversies. Unrest and protests have begun to surface, not just from within the borders of France but also among the vast number of international travelers and athletes. These contentious issues are casting a shadow over the upcoming Games, adding a layer of uncertainty and complexity to an event traditionally associated with unity and the celebration of athleticism.

Security Concerns, Congested Transportation, Unhoused Parisians

The opening ceremony, scheduled to take place in the open air along the historic Seine River, has raised a number of security concerns. These concerns are particularly acute because of the memory of the terrorist attacks in Paris in 2015. Furthermore, ongoing geopolitical unrest, notably the war between Gaza and Israel and Russia’s continued aggression towards Ukraine, adds to the apprehension. In anticipation of potential protests, the French government has reduced the number of tickets for the public from 600,000 to 300,000 and plans to deploy around 45,000 French police and security forces. During the opening ceremony, an additional 35,000 security agents are expected to be on duty alongside the military to safeguard against security threats. The recent stabbing of a French counter-terrorism soldier over a week before the games are set to begin has only increased tensions.

Along with security concerns come concerns over the expected additional congestion of the city’s already packed public transport system. Many Parisians believe the transportation is largely underprepared for the influx of tourists as they already deal with poor frequency of trains, overcrowding, and general uncleanliness. Those who are financially able are electing to leave the city for the period of the games, while others will be forced to turn to alternative modes of transport and access such as biking, walking or telecommuting. Those who are unable to consider alternative transportation will have to endure long commutes with few alternatives. In response to criticism over transportation concerns, the French president of the Ile-de-France region, Valérie Pécresse, made a statement to worried citizens, "Don't be afraid to walk a little, it's good for your health". 

The Olympics have also brought the plight of the city’s unhoused population to the forefront. The Olympic Village has been constructed in one of Paris’s most impoverished suburbs, an area where thousands of individuals reside in street encampments, shelters and derelict buildings. In a controversial move, the French government transported thousands of these unhoused individuals on buses to other French cities such as Marseille and Lyon. They were removed from the city under the pretext of promising housing elsewhere, only to find themselves living on unfamiliar streets far from their original homes. This action has drawn widespread criticism as it is in no way a permanent solution, but rather a means to conceal the city’s homelessness issue and present a more idyllic image of Paris. While the government denies any connection between this relocation and the Olympics, an email obtained by the New York Times and initially reported by L’Equipe reveals a government housing official stating the objective to “identify people on the street in sites near Olympic venues” and relocate them prior to the Games.

Water Sport Events

The Seine River, the chosen venue for the opening ceremony, will also host the triathlon and marathon swimming events. This decision has ignited controversy, as many Parisians view the river as polluted and unsafe. Swimming in the Seine has been illegal for over a century. In an effort to clean the river, Paris has invested $1.5 billion in infrastructure to prevent bacteria-laden wastewater from entering the river. Despite the clean up, experts are still uncertain if the river’s E. coli levels will be safe for swimming in time for the events, and no backup plan has been announced. In a show of confidence, President Emmanuel Macron and Paris Mayor Anne Hidalgo have vowed to swim in the river themselves to demonstrate its safety. Just this past Saturday, French Sports Minister Amélie Oudéa-Castéra took the plunge into the river.

In an unusual display of public anger, a distinctive form of protest seemed to be in the works for several weeks. Known colloquially as the ‘poop protest’, it called for citizens to deposit their waste into the Seine on June 23, 2024, strategically timed to coincide with the President’s original planned swim. Remarkably, an unidentified engineer had developed a website that calculates the exact moment for the waste drop-off, ensuring it aligns with the President’s swim based on the individual’s distance from the river. This protest concept was not merely a reflection of skepticism regarding the cleanliness of the Seine, but also a broader expression of French dissatisfaction with the President’s recent election gambit and the anticipated disruptions the Olympic Games are expected to bring to the city. The protestors seem to have been more bark than bite, however, because after Macron canceled his originally planned dip Oudéa-Castéra's swim took place nearly without incident; the Sports Minister slipped while getting in the water.

Meanwhile, in French Polynesia, Tahiti is set to host this year’s Olympic surfing events. Tahiti is a well-known destination for surfing competitions, and has been so for many years. The International Surfing Association (ISA) voiced its opposition to the construction of a new aluminum judges’ tower for the 2024 Olympics in Tahiti, amid concerns from locals and environmentalists about potential damage to the local coral reef. Despite the continued use of a wooden tower at Teahupo’o, one of the world’s most famous surf breaks, for the past 20 years, Olympic organizers and government leaders greenlit construction on a new tower due to safety concerns. The ISA had proposed more environmentally friendly solutions, such as building the tower on land and using digital cameras on the wooden tower, but these were rejected in favor of the new structure.

The controversy escalated from the first peaceful protest in October, with over 200,000 people signing an online petition against the tower and prominent surfers lending their support. An incident where a barge being used in the construction got stuck on the offshore reef further fueled local anger. Despite apologies from the president of French Polynesia, Moetai Brotherson, and assurances from Barbara Martins-Nio, general manager of the 2024 Paris Olympic committee based in Tahiti, that the barge incident was a mistake, the new tower was still deemed necessary for the competition. However, many locals, including the mayor of Taiarapu Ouest, stood by the belief that building the tower outweighed the costs. The protests failed, and the tower has since been completed.

As the 2024 Olympic Games in Paris approach, they carry the weight of numerous controversies and the hopes of millions of spectators, eager to participate in a global event of this magnitude for the first time since the COVID-19 pandemic. From security concerns and transportation issues to the treatment of the city’s unhoused population and environmental concerns, these Games are a testament to the complex interplay of sports, politics and society. Despite the controversies, the essence of the Olympics remains—unity, athleticism and global camaraderie. As the world tunes in, these Games will be a reminder of our shared love for sport and competition, and the collective challenges we need to address.

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Julz Vargas

Julz is a student at Wellesley College studying Anthropology and Spanish. She grew up in Los Angeles, CA, and has studied all around the world in places such as Costa Rica, Greece, Iceland, and Spain. She is passionate about employing writing as a tool to explore human connection and diversity. Julz aspires to foster cross-cultural connections through community-based research, amplifying inclusive and diverse media about global cultures, foods, and people, to encourage individuals to engage more wholly with the world.

A Two-Way Street: The Impact of Airbnb on Local Communities

Amid the picturesque landscapes and quaint charm of small towns, a quiet battle emerges over the impact of vacation rentals on local communities.

Airbnb logo on phone screen. Ivan Radic. CC BY 2.0

Towns in California have found themselves at a crossroads between economic success and community preservation. While Airbnb offers a supplemental income for homeowners and increased accessibility to nature, its effect on local communities is often overlooked. Since its establishment in 2007, Airbnb has arguably become a leading driver of gentrification, displacement, and rising housing costs. Vacation rental companies like Airbnb often attract upscale, hipster businesses, which in turn drive up property values. When homes are converted to Airbnb rentals, long-term rental housing stock in a given area is reduced, and cheap long-term rentals are limited for low-income families. Small towns in close proximity to national parks or ski resorts have become more expensive in the past year. According to Redfin, Big Bear Lake home prices are up 12.7% compared to last year, selling for a median price of $637K. Similarly, Lake Arrowhead home prices are up 12.6% compared to last year, with a median home price of $725K.

Route 198 in Three Rivers. Patrick Pelster. CC BY-SA 3.0

Three Rivers, CA, a town at the base of Sequoia National Park, has experienced significant gentrification and rising housing costs in the past year. Three Rivers home prices are up 54.6% compared to last year, up to a median price of $920K. As an Airbnb host, you can potentially make three to four times the amount of money you make renting your apartment long-term. With a population of 2,496, there are over 900 Airbnb rentals in the Three Rivers area. “I think the unregulated development of the Airbnb market has destabilized the community. It’s nearly impossible to find affordable housing, as long-term rentals are increasingly rare. This has a direct effect on lower-income individuals, like service workers or seasonal staff,” says Juanita, an employee at Sequoia National Park. “The vacationers are dispersed throughout the community as opposed to consolidated.” 

Most locals view vacation rental companies as a two-way street. An increase in tourism has a positive impact on local businesses, most of which suffered during the pandemic. “Three Rivers has been a home to me for forty-seven years. The past couple years have been the best for my real estate career, but there’s a difference between financial and emotional success. My early real estate career was all families, but now it’s influenced by Airbnb,” says Ete, a real estate agent based in Three Rivers. “We still have a community here of sorts, but there are more and more out-of-towners by the day.” Airbnb has further impacted the school district in Three Rivers, as fewer families can afford to live there. In 1994, 300 kids were enrolled in Three Rivers Elementary, and now, there are a little more than 100. 

At recent town meetings, locals have discussed ways to regulate Airbnb. Because Three Rivers is an unincorporated community, Airbnb taxes and revenue don’t go back into the town, they go into Tulare County. Locals have discussed incorporating, but it’s expensive to do so, and like many small towns in California, the town is politically divided, making matters hard to agree on. “There’s a sense of entitlement that comes with Airbnbers. When you’re not a resident and not invested in a community, you won’t treat it like it’s your own,” says Emily, who has owned property in Three Rivers for nearly twenty years, “people assume that they can treat a property however they want because they’ve paid so much to be there. Tourists don’t care about trash, noise, and respecting flora and fauna the way locals do.”

AutoCamp, another vacation rental company, brands itself as offering “luxury airstreams and outdoor glamping,” catering primarily to the upper class, with average Airstream prices of about $500 a night. With glamping getaways in iconic destinations like Yosemite and Zion national parks, Autocamp is planning to open its next airstream hotel in Three Rivers. While locals are still concerned with the effect Autocamp Sequoia will have on housing costs and gentrification, the tourists will be centralized as opposed to dispersed throughout the community. An onsite property manager will further limit light, noise, and sound pollution.

Shipping container Airbnb in Central Valley. Nicolas Boullosa. CC BY 2.0

While vacation rental companies fuel tourism revenue into local businesses, they play a significant role in rising housing costs and cultural disruption. Action on a legislative level has been taken to restrict short-term rentals in California. Senate bill 584 uses short-term rental taxes to fund affordable housing, with a tax rate set at 15% the rental price. However, the bill won’t take effect until 2025, and Airbnb hosts are working to fight it. The future of Airbnb and its effect on local communities is uncertain. We’re forced to consider where people will live with long-term rentals dwindling, and how national parks will regulate tourism in the coming years.

Ways to Get Involved:

Unfairbnb is an organization that aims to ban Airbnb in cities throughout California. If interested in reading more about the issues associated with Airbnb, click here.

If possible, avoid using Airbnbs when traveling. Consider a hostel, bed and breakfast or hotel instead.

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Agnes Moser Volland

Agnes is a student at UC Berkeley majoring in Interdisciplinary Studies and minoring in Creative Writing, with a research focus on road trip culture in America. She currently writes for BARE Magazine and Caravan Travel & Style Magazine. She is working on a novel that follows two sisters as they road trip down Highway 40, from California to Oklahoma. In the future, she hopes to pursue a career in journalism, publishing, or research.

Beyond Bars: The Controversial Practice of Prison Tourism

Around the world, former prisons have been repurposed into museums and attractions. Is it time to rethink these museums of incarceration?

Former Charles Street Jail and Charles/MGH Station. Tim Sackton. CC BY SA 2.0. 

The Liberty Hotel in Beacon Hill, a historic and affluent Boston neighborhood, does not try to hide its history as a former jail. With expensive cocktail bars—cheekily named Clink and Alibi—featuring preserved former holding cells, and a private courtyard in the former jail exercise yard, the luxury hotel features an array of so-called “playful nods” to its past life as The Charles Street Jail. 

“With rooms this luxurious,” jests the hotel’s website, “We can’t guarantee that you’ll ever want to leave.” Less advertised are the conditions former inmates, including Malcolm X, faced in the jail, which was deemed unconstitutional in 1973. 

Charles Street Jail Complex. Library of Congress. CC0.

The Liberty Hotel, which opened in 2007 following a $150 million renovation, is not a new—or even particularly unique—case. According to a 2022 Sentencing Project report, in the United States alone, 21 states have partially or fully closed at least one correctional facility since 2000, in no small part due to the work of activists opposing mass incarceration. This begs the question of what to do with these facilities—and how to contend with their histories. 

Toeing the line between memorialization and commercialization, one controversial answer lies in prison museums, which have become increasingly common destinations worldwide. 

Lobby at the Liberty Hotel in Boston. Sharon Mollerus. CC BY 2.0. 

Prison Tourism: A Brief Overview 

An emerging prison tourism industry, which includes museums, attractions and experiences at former correctional institutions, sits at the crossroads of the informative, the entertaining and the bizarre. Perhaps the most famous example is the former Alcatraz Federal Penitentiary in California, which attracts 1.5 million visitors annually, according to the U.S. National Park Service. 

Prison tourism has its roots in penal spectatorship, such as public executions dating back to ancient Rome. And many early modern penitentiaries, including Melbourne Gaol in Australia and Eastern State Penitentiary in Pennsylvania, loomed conspicuously in city centers, visible to all.

Today, scholars characterize prison tourism as a type of “dark tourism”—the practice of visiting former sites of death and disaster. What drives travelers to these sites may be a combination of motivations: to learn, to mourn, or even to indulge a morbid curiosity. While the exact impetus of individual travelers is not always clear, in part due to lack of research and transparency in the industry, clues can be found in the ways prison museums market themselves. 

Criminologist Michael Welch notes in his book "Escape to Prison: Penal Tourism and the Pull of Punishment" that prison museums are both educational and commercial institutions, evident in how they pique travelers’ interest and encourage consumption. 

On its website, the Clink Prison Museum in London advertises the prison’s “scandalous” history, luring visitors to “hands-on educational experiences” where they can “handle torture devices,” have their photo taken in a torture chair, or even book a “ghost hunt” tour. The Clink is not alone in its jarring blend of education and camp. Prison museum gift shops often feature both educational materials and what Welch describes as “local kitsch.”

Placard featuring The Clink Museum, London. Pikakoko. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

In Sangareddy, India, the Heritage Jail Museum offers a “Feel the Jail” program, where visitors can pay $5.99 (500 Indian rupees) to spend 24 hours in the former Sangareddy District Center Jail. During their stay, visitors are given prison uniforms and required to do labor such as gardening. The museum doesn’t disclose where money raised through this program goes. In New Delhi, the Tihar Jail is open to visitors every weekday. In 2019, jail authorities told Mail Today that they hoped to establish a similar overnight program at Tihar (though it is unclear if the program was ever instated). One crucial difference: Tihar is currently operating. In fact, with nine central prisons and a population estimated at 14,000, Tihar is one of the largest prison complexes in the world. 

Other travel destinations are located on former penal sites, unknownst to most visitors. Koh Tao and Koh Taruto islands in Thailand are known for their idyllic beaches, aquatic wildlife, and off-the-beaten-path feel (the TV show Survivor was filmed on Koh Tarutao in 2002). Yet in the 1940s, both islands were used to detain political prisoners. By one account, 104 prisoners were held in Koh Tao; conditions were incredibly grim, with pervasive malaria and shark-infested waters. 

Koh Tarutao Island. Vyacheslav Argenberg. CC BY 4.0

While former correctional institutions handle their histories differently, and while motivations of prison tourists vary, one thing is clear: prison tourism is a widespread phenomenon. Over 100 prison museums in 29 countries can easily be found online. Though the overall impact of the prison tourism industry is unknown—there is no comprehensive data on the industry’s size or revenue—it is clear that demand exists for experiences in former correctional sites and that companies and governments are ready to supply it. 

Visitors enter Robben Island. National Archives at College Park - Still Pictures. CC0. 

Emerging critiques call the prison tourism industry exploitative and voyeuristic. Critical Resistance, a U.S. group opposing mass incarceration, wrote in 2000 that “marketing of prison imagery, in the form of tourist visits of facilities … helps to promote acceptance of prison expansion.” Others similarly argue that some prison museum attractions minimize the experiences of formerly incarcerated individuals and obscure the current realities of incarceration.

In response, some prisons are rethinking how they market their histories. The Eastern State Penitentiary Museum, for example, recently discontinued its Halloween event “Terror Behind the Walls.” In 2016, it installed an exhibit, “Prisons Today,” which addresses racial disparities in criminal justice. Other prison museums, including Constitutional Hill in Johannesburg, Robben Island in Cape Town and Kilmainham Gaol in Dublin, emphasize the often political nature of punishment and the use of prisons to maintain colonial rule. 

In New York City, a new prison museum is in process at Sing Sing, which still houses 1,700 incarcerated people, raising important questions. Is it possible to respectfully navigate these histories while they are ongoing? What does it mean to travel to a prison and, unlike those held there, be free to leave?

Tom Moses, formerly imprisoned at Robben Island, leads a tour on the Island. Martinvl. CC-BY-SA-4.0

Prison Repurposing & Museum Alternatives

Growing movements to reduce incarceration have spurred the closure of more prisons, creating opportunities for prison repurposing. In place of campy and commercial prison attractions, here are some alternatives for travelers hoping to learn about prison histories—and for those hoping to reimagine how former prisons can be repurposed. 

For travelers: Do some research on the present state of incarceration in a particular region before attending a prison museum. Is the prison still operating? What has and hasn’t changed since inmates were held there? 

Determine who operates the museum and how it is curated. Museums can be informed by political or economic goals. Reflect on how the museum positions you as a visitor; are you invited to empathize with those formerly incarcerated, or is the exhibit more voyeuristic in nature? 

If the museum charges fees or sells merchandise, ask where proceeds go. Advocate for increased transparency in the prison tourism industry (similar advocacy has emerged around orphanage tourism, and findings have revealed financial practices that exploit affected communities). 

Consider getting involved in work to improve prison conditions for currently incarcerated individuals, reduce incarceration and support public safety through nonpunitive alternatives. Opportunities include supporting community bail funds and reentry programs, advocating against solitary confinement and other harmful practices, and investing in community health. 

For those interested in preserving the histories of former prisons: Evaluate how prison museums are marketed, and ensure they do not trivialize formerly incarcerated individuals’ experiences or create a spectacle. When possible, design museums in conjunction with formerly incarcerated individuals and their communities. Make funding and proceeds transparent, and consider diverting proceeds to affected communities. 

Follow examples like the “Prisons Today” exhibit at Eastern State Penitentiary and find ways to highlight the current impact of incarceration. Prison museums, as dynamic, living spaces, can offer visitors opportunities to imagine alternatives to mass incarceration.

And consider other ways for prisons to be repurposed that might be more beneficial to communities affected by incarceration. A recent Appeal article asks, “Can Closed Prisons Be Repurposed to Mend the Harm They’ve Done?” The article explores some alternative prison reuse projects, including a former correctional facility in Florida that was converted into a center providing food, housing and support to unhoused individuals. 

Eastern State Penitentiary. Thomas Hawk. CC BY-NC 2.0. 

A 2022 Sentencing Project report advocates a “community reinvestment approach” to prison repurposing. It offers recommendations for repurposing projects, including prioritizing prison reuse planning, strengthening communities through projects like community centers and healthcare facilities, and increasing data transparency around prison reuse. 

The prison tourism industry raises complex questions around how to contend with the painful histories of incarceration, and whether former correctional facilities can (or should) eclipse these histories by taking on new lives and forms. These are difficult questions for travelers. But, at the very least, we can stop perpetuating the harms these sites cause with voyeuristic exploitation. At best, perhaps we can find ways to support affected communities while mobilizing people to think differently about the ongoing harms of incarceration.

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Rose Evans

Rose is an independent journalist with a degree in Gender Studies and Creative Writing from Middlebury College. She is passionate about storytelling, women’s and LGBTQ+ issues, criminal (in)justice, and finding creative solutions to collective questions. She also loves sharing good food with loved ones, exploring her home state, and playing soccer in the snow. 

Sparking Outrage: The Pope and His Comments on the LGBTQIA+ Community

Despite his efforts to merge LGBTQIA+ and Catholic communities, Pope Francis tries to resolve tensions following a harmful name calling incident.

Pope Francis Waving. Long Thiên. CC BY-SA 2.0

There are around 1.2 billion Roman Catholics around the world today, united in a common Church defined in large part by its belief in the primacy of Saint Peter and in its head, the Pope, as his successor. Despite immense growth over its two millennia of history, the central tenet of Catholicism remains the same, as described in Matthew 22:37-39: “To love God with all your soul, heart, strength and mind [and] to love your neighbor as yourself—the Golden Rule, as many refer to it today.” 

Despite these ideals, and guided by conservative religious principles, the Catholic Church has often been hostile toward the LGBTQIA+ community. Recently, on May 28, Pope Francis extended a formal apology for his use of the word “fociaggine”, an offensive Italian slang word referring to the gay community. The Pope used the word behind closed doors in a private meeting with 250 Italian Bishops when asked about whether openly gay men should be admitted into seminaries (priesthood colleges). The press office director for The Holy See Matteo Bruni told the public that the Pope never intended to offend people or come across as homophobic, extending the Pope’s apologies to those that were hurt by the slur. 

Throughout its history, the relationship between LGBTQIA+ community and the Catholic Church has often been tense. In 1975, the Vatican issued a declaration stating that, “Homosexual acts are intrinsically disordered and can in no case be approved of.” Despite verbal support of the gay community, the Catholic Church itself does not officially recognize same-sex marriages. 

In 2013, Pope Francis responded, “Who am I to judge?” when asked about his stance on gay priests, opening the conversation on the gay community’s involvement with the Catholic Church. Pope Francis is thought of by many as revolutionary for the LGBTQIA+ community, with CNN noting that he, “has shifted the church’s tone and approach to gay people, refusing to take a judgemental stance, something that church institutions and leaders had often been accused of doing in the past.” The Pope’s decision to bless same-sex couples in 2023 was a landmark move for the community, the Vatican document opening “the possibility of blessings for couples in irregular situations and for couples of the same sex, [leaving decisions to] the prudent and fatherly discernment of ordained ministers.”

Although blessings were not formally allowed until 2023, some progressive priests conducted them unofficially for years prior. Ultimately, discrimination against the LGBTQIA+ community varies across dioceses and parishes. Some communities are very welcoming, within the Church policy limits, whereas others will quickly deny membership to those affiliated with LGBTQIA+. The Human Rights Campaign states that, “There have been recent instances of LGBTQIA+ employees in the United States being dismissed from Catholic schools and parishes following the celebration of a same-sex couple’s marriage.” In addition to the gay community, the transgender community is also discriminated against. The Vatican’s Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith in September 2015 prevented a transgender man in Spain from serving as a godfather, barring transgender Catholics from serving as baptismal sponsors.

Over the decade of his papacy, Pope Francis has served as a beacon of hope for the LGBTQIA+ community, long used to hostility from organized religion. In early 2023, he called for the elimination of laws in many countries that criminalized homosexuality, stating that “being homosexual isn’t a crime.” The Vatican also announced in late 2023 that transgender people may be baptized as Catholics and serve as godparents under special circumstances. Although there has been progress for the LGBTQIA+ community in Pope Francis's Catholic Church, his recent comments serve as a reminder that these are recent, fragile developments that still leave much room for improvement.

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Aanya Panyadahundi

Aanya is a student at the University of Michigan studying sociology and journalism on a pre-law path. She loves to travel the world whenever she can, always eager to learn more about the different cultures and societies around her. In her free time, she likes to play the violin, ski, and listen to podcasts

Thailand’s Progress Towards Marriage Equality

After years of advocacy, Thailand may become the first country in Southeast Asia to legalize same-sex marriage.

A pride flag waving in the wind. Jamison Wieser. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

Thirty-seven countries currently recognize same-sex marriage on a national level, and Thailand may soon become the 38th. On December 21, 2023, a package of bills including the Marriage Equality Act was introduced by the cabinet, and debates began in Thailand’s House of Representatives, the lower house of Thailand's legislature. This body resoundingly assented to marriage equality in late March, although it is not yet law.

The Marriage Equality Act would amend Thailand’s civil and commercial code, making many terms that refer to people gender neutral. If the bills pass the the Senate, and receive approval from the King, Thailand will become the third country in Asia and the first in Southeast Asia to legalize same-sex marriage.

Four hundred out of 415 members of the House of Representatives voted to pass the Marriage Equality Act on March 27, 2024. The Marriage Equality Act passed the first reading in the Senate with another overwhelming majority on April 2, 2024.

For decades, LGBTQIA+ laws in Thailand have not matched the country’s acceptance of LGBTQIA+ culture and travelers. Despite being home to many LGBTQIA+ spaces, such as bars and nightclubs, and serving as a destination for many to receive gender-affirming care, discrimination continues and many LGBTQIA+ rights in Thailand remain unprotected. 

While there has been progress in advancing LGBTQIA+ rights in Thailand with the passage of the Gender Equality Act in 2015, currently non-binary and transgender people’s identities are not recognized and LGBTQIA+ couples are unable to marry and struggle with adoption. 

The recorded history of the LGBTQIA+ community in Thailand dates back to the 14th century. These records include verbal accounts and murals depicting LGBTQIA+ relationships. However, in the 19th century, the criminalization of homosexuality and Victorian norms of propriety spread along with European colonialism in the region, although Thailand itself remained independent. 

This influence resulted in a cultural shift, as people began to equate sexuality with moral conduct and consider sexuality taboo. Despite this, Thailand has been famously receptive to LGBTQIA+ travelers, with the Thai Tourism Authority promoting Thailand as a “gay paradise”. 

As LGBTQIA+ visibility and activism have increased, Thai political figures have begun to follow suit, with the Pheu Thai party making marriage equality a main goal. Since taking office in 2023, the Pheu Thai party has been integral in moving Thailand toward equality for LGBTQIA+ people. 

The Marriage Equality Act will undergo its second and third Senate readings in July. If passed, it will be brought to the King for assent, and will then be established within 120 days, making Thailand a role model for the advancement of LGBTQIA+ rights.

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Madison Paulus

Madison is a student at George Washington University studying international affairs, journalism, mass communication, and Arabic. Born and raised in Seattle, Washington, Madison grew up in a creative, open-minded environment. With passions for human rights and social justice, Madison uses her writing skills to educate and advocate. In the future, Madison hopes to pursue a career in science communication or travel journalism.

Fighting Femicide in Turkey

Turkey has long struggled to prevent violence against women, and Erdoğan’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention only worsened matters.

Protests after the murder of Turkish student Özgecan Aslan. 2015. Hilmi Hacaloglu. CC0

Femicide is a massive problem for women in Turkey. According to data from the women’s rights group We Will Stop Femicide, 338 women were murdered by a man between March 2023 and March 2024. The same data reports that the large majority of these women were killed by a close male relation, with the most common motive being their refusal to marry or have a relationship with their murderers. 

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan at the 2017 G-20 Hamburg summit. Пресс-служба Президента Российской Федерации. CC-BY-4.0

In March 2021, Turkish President Erdoğan announced his decision to withdraw Turkey from the Istanbul Convention, itself named after Turkey's largest city. The convention obligates political parties to “develop laws, policies and support services to end violence against women and domestic violence.” It also included clauses aimed at protecting members of the LGBTQ+ community from violence. 

The decision was met with outrage and criticism from activist groups, lawyers and politicians. Following the decision, thousands took to the streets to protest. Amnesty International Secretary-General, Agnès Callamard, spoke against the decision, expressing her concern that “the withdrawal sends a reckless and dangerous message to perpetrators who abuse, maim and kill: that they can carry on doing so with impunity.” 

International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, 2019. Neslihan Turan. CC0 1.0

We Will Stop Femicide was founded in 2012 in response to the murder of an 18-year-old high school student, Münevver Karabulut, and has been one of the leading advocates of women’s rights in Turkey ever since. The group began an initiative to collect, analyze and publicize data on femicide in Turkey in response to claims from the government that no such data existed. They gather their data from cases reported to the public and cases reported directly to the group by associates of the victims. “Patriarchy is the reason behind the loss of so many lives,” the group states on its website. “The lack of efficient policies that secure equal existence and rights of women is also encouraging men who are prone to violence.”

A lawyer working with the women’s rights group We Will Stop Femicide, Esin İzel Uysal, stated that there has been a significant increase in femicides as a result of Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention, with authorities refusing to take action in the face of violations of women’s rights. As of 2024, almost 2,000 women have either been murdered by men or died under suspicious circumstances since Turkey’s withdrawal in 2021.

Women’s rights groups in Turkey such as We Will Stop Femicide continuously face opposition and oppression from the government. On December 2nd, 2021 the Intellectual and Property Rights Investigation Bureau of the Istanbul Public Prosecutor’s Office filed a lawsuit against We Will Stop Femicide aimed at shutting the group down, citing “illegal and immoral actions.” On September 13th, 2023, the court rejected the lawsuit. 

Women in Turkey continue to fight for their rights and their lives despite government opposition and police violence. In March 2024, thousands of women defied a ban against protests on International Women’s Day, seeking to draw attention to the rise of femicide in Turkey and voice their discontent with Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention. 

TO GET INVOLVED

We Will Stop Femicide: We Will Stop Femicide’s website lists several ways to support their cause, including producing visual materials for their social media and participating in the collection of data on violence against women.

Women for Women’s Human Rights: Another Turkish feminist group, WWHR initiated a Human Rights Education Program for women in 1995 that seeks to educate women about their rights and help them exercise those rights. Information about participation in the HREP program can be found here.

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Rebecca Pitcairn

Rebecca studies Italian Language and Literature, Classical Civilizations, and English Writing at the University of Pittsburgh. She hopes to one day attain a PhD in Classical Archeology. She is passionate about feminism and climate justice. She enjoys reading, playing the lyre, and longboarding in her free time. 

Exiled Russian Pussy Riot Activist Sentenced for Ukraine Tweets

After a series of tweets criticizing Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, activist and girl band member Lucy Shtein was sentenced in absentia to six years in prison. 

Pussy Riot Global Day. Eyes on Rights. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

The members of Pussy Riot, a Russian punk rock and performance art group, are no strangers to prosecution. Their political activism has landed them in legal trouble in the past. In 2012, the band briefly took over a cathedral in Moscow and performed a “punk prayer” by the church’s altar. The lyrics called for the Virgin Mary to expel Putin from Russia. As a result, three members of the group, Maria Alyokhina, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Yekaterina Samutsevich, were convicted of hooliganism, religious hatred and plotting to undermine social order and sentenced to serve two years of imprisonment in a penal colony, a decision that sparked worldwide protests. 

Free Pussy Riot - Tel Aviv Israel. דוג'רית. CC BY-SA 4.0. 

On November 21st, 2023, Nadya Tolokonnikova, was arrested again, this time in absentia, for the charge of “insulting the religious feelings of believers.” The charge carried a maximum fine of about $3,400 (300,000 roubles), forced labor, and up to one year of imprisonment. In Russia, this law is often referred to informally as the “Pussy Riot Law,” and was written while the members were in court for their 2012 performance. The charges against Tolokonnikova were leveled in response to a 2022 performance art piece called “Putin’s Ashes” in which Tolokonnikova and eleven other women, all wearing balaclavas, set fire to a portrait of Putin.

Nadya Tolokonnikova. Steve Jurvetson. CC-BY-2.0. 

In March of 2024, Pussy Riot Member Lucy Shtein was sentenced in absentia to six years in prison for a tweet the activist and artist posted in March of 2022 criticizing Russia’s military activities in Ukraine. Commenting on a video allegedly of Ukrainian soldiers shooting the legs of Russian POWs, she stated that the Russian soldiers had come “to bomb other people’s cities and kill people.” Since launching its invasion of Ukraine, the Russian government has begun prosecuting citizens who speak out against the war. In 2022, the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian legislature, amended the criminal code to make it illegal to support an end to the war or to spread any information on Russia’s military activities that contradicts the official version presented by the Russian Ministry of Defense. As of 2023, there have been more than 19,700 detentions of citizens who participated in anti-war activities, and as of 2024, 929 cases have been filed against citizens under this law. The new law has been criticized as an attack on freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, political opposition and activism, and it was under this law that Shtein was sentenced. 

Shtein escaped from house arrest in Russia with her girlfriend and fellow Pussy Riot member Maria Alyokhina shortly after the invasion in Ukraine had begun, earning her a spot on the Ministry of Internal Affairs wanted list. Shtein had been accused of violating coronavirus restrictions and placed on indefinite house arrest after participating in rallies in support of opposition leader Alexei Navalny. Shtein and Alyokhina fled to Iceland, where they were granted citizenship in 2023. 

Despite being unable to return to their homeland, Pussy Riot members continue to tour internationally. On June 20th, 2024, Tolokonnikova will be opening an art exhibition entitled RAGE in Austria. In 2017, Maria Alyokhina wrote a memoir, "Riot Days," recounting her experiences with Russia’s criminal system. In 2024, the band adapted the memoir into a show described as “a mixture of concert, rally, theater and political happening” touring in Canada and Europe. 

TO GET INVOLVED 

Pussy Riot: You can support Pussy Riot here by buying their merchandise, or a ticket to one of their upcoming shows in Chicago, IL, US or Riddu Riddu, Lyngen, Norway.

Stand With Ukraine: The "Riot Days"tour raised funds for the children’s hospital Ohmatdyt in Kyiv, Ukraine. While the show is no longer on tour, you can still donate to the hospital.

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Rebecca Pitcairn

Rebecca studies Italian Language and Literature, Classical Civilizations, and English Writing at the University of Pittsburgh. She hopes to one day attain a PhD in Classical Archeology. She is passionate about feminism and climate justice. She enjoys reading, playing the lyre, and longboarding in her free time. 

University Encampments and the Future of Free Speech

What the pro-Palestine encampments and the official responses to them mean for the future of protest.

Protestors holding up a pro-Palestine “Cease Fire Now!” banner. Sword & Shield. CC BY 3.0 NZ

Will encampments continue to be an effective mode of protest? Palestine solidarity is growing worldwide, especially among college students. Inspired by protests at Columbia, students at numerous universities have established pro-Palestine encampments, urging the institutions to divest funds that support Israel, aiming to halt the mass killing in Gaza. Since October 7, thousands of Palestinians have been killed, and nearly half the population is suffering from malnutrition. Encampments sprang up at major universities worldwide, including McGill, Trinity, Oxford and the University of Tokyo. Robert Cohen, a professor at NYU, told ABC News that he considers encampments to be the biggest student movement of the 21st century. The varying responses globally reflect the nuanced nature of encampments, balancing concerns for student safety with protecting their right to freedom of speech. Some universities, such as Wesleyan University and Oxford University, are more tolerant of the encampments, allowing them to continue so long as they remained nonviolent and nondisruptive. Other schools, such as UCLA and UT Austin, have taken a different approach and alerted the police and attempted to remove encampments by force, leading to thousands of student arrests. Students at Brown University and UC Berkeley dismantled encampments after reaching agreements with officials to discuss divestment strategies. Pro-Palestine encampments and the varied responses to them have compelled students to reflect on the extent to which their right to freedom of speech is protected.

While “freedom of speech” is a broad term, the US Constitution's First Amendment specifies that it includes the right to peacefully assemble and the right to petition the government, but it has limits and cannot justify violence. According to FIRE (Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression), while police can dismantle encampments that disrupt class or block student traffic, they can not interfere or issue arrests out of personal bias. However, rights to freedom of speech vary by institution, especially between public and private schools. Private universities are not necessarily required to follow constitutional rights, and universities driven by religious or military interests may prioritize other values over freedom of speech. In the context of encampments, there doesn’t seem to be a large correlation between university type and response from officials. One pattern that has emerged is that most student arrests are occurring in urban areas like New York and Los Angeles. The media has wielded a dual influence, serving as both an inspiration for global encampments and a source of delegitimization. Across the internet, students are labeled as “entitled” and “immature,” facing criticism from professors, government officials and religious leaders who deride their anti-imperialist goals as unrealistic.

Columbia Encampment Day After NYPD Raid. Pamela Drew. CC BY-NC 2.0

Some argue that history is repeating itself with the rise of pro-Palestine encampments. During the Vietnam War, students at universities worldwide urged institutions to cut ties with the military and ultimately end the war through pro-peace propaganda and counterculture lifestyles, most notably at UC Berkeley and Columbia. Students held abolitionist views toward the armed forces, viewing the military as systematically oppressive.

With semesters wrapping up and campuses quieting down, encampments are naturally disassembling, even if no agreements have been reached with universities. As November's election approaches, more members of Gen Z are eligible to vote. It remains unclear as to whether or not young voters will support Biden, as they criticize his support for the Israeli military, emphasizing a lack of unity amongst Democrats. Regardless of short-term and long-term outcomes, pro-Palestine encampments have demonstrated the role students can play in fostering dialogue and raising awareness, ultimately reshaping public opinion. Recent events have prompted discussions about whether or not students are protected by their First Amendment rights when establishing encampments, forcing us to reconsider the essence of free speech.

TO GET INVOLVED

UNRWA (United Nations Reliefs and Works Agency) is an organization that provides direct relief to Palestine refugees. Donate to provide humanitarian relief to those affected here.

Call on Congress and President Biden for an immediate cease-fire via moveon.org

Check out the Palestine Resource Guide, which provides updates on the latest news and resources pertaining to Palestine. Find a protest/event near you here.

Agnes Moser Volland

Agnes is a student at UC Berkeley majoring in Interdisciplinary Studies and minoring in Creative Writing, with a research focus on road trip culture in America. She currently writes for BARE Magazine and Caravan Travel & Style Magazine. She is working on a novel that follows two sisters as they road trip down Highway 40, from California to Oklahoma. In the future, she hopes to pursue a career in journalism, publishing, or research.

How Geoffrey Chaucer Inspired Pro-Migrant Literary Social Action in the U.K.

In the U.K., writers and refugees collaborate to end indefinite detention.

Westminster in the sunlight, the destination of the Refugee Tales walk. Aswin Mahesh. CC0. 

The United Kingdom’s immigration policy allows it to detain migrants indefinitely while the government resolves their immigration status. The U.K. is the only country in Western Europe with this law; other European nations have a maximum time limit to detain people, usually ranging from about a month in France to six weeks in Germany. In 2015, a group of writers and activists in the United Kingdom combined forces to create the Refugee Tales—a short story collection and an annual walk to raise awareness about indefinite detention for migrants in the U.K. The Refugee Tales seeks to put a 28-day time limit on immigration detention.

The walk mimics the style of fourteenth-century poet Geoffrey Chaucer’s “The Canterbury Tales.” In his poem, a diverse group travels from London to Canterbury, telling stories throughout the journey to entertain each other. The Refugee Tales takes a broader scope, engaging people worldwide for social change. 

The Ellesmere Manuscript of The Canterbury Tales. Rob Corder. CC BY-NC 2.0 

As a part of the Refugee Tales, established writers partner with those impacted by the U.K.’s indefinite detention model. The writer transcribes their narratives. Those sharing their stories may work within the immigration system as social workers or interpreters. Oftentimes, they are migrants who have experienced indefinite detention. Writers share these stories with walkers during the evening—as Chaucer’s characters did with their tales—and compile them in short story collections, read them aloud in videos, and share them in news outlets. 

The written work created between author and refugee lies at the heart of the movement. Storytelling works to raise awareness about the problems migrants face on their journey to the U.K. and in these detention centers. 

Scottish author Ali Smith, who wrote “How to be Both” and won the Baileys Women’s Prize for Fiction, is the patron of The Refugee Tales. She described storytelling as “an act of profound hospitality.” Transcribing the stories refugees tell elicits “sympathy and empathy” from listeners. 

Smith wrote “The Detainee’s Tale,” telling of a young man who arrived in the U.K. as a victim of human trafficking. After escaping, he found a community at a church that advised him to reach out to the Home Office—the U.K.’s ministerial department responsible for security and immigration—for help.  

“You do it,” Smith writes as the young man says. “You write to the Home Office. They come. They arrest you. They put you in prison for six months because the passport you’ve got is the wrong kind.”

Many British literature scholars view Chaucer as the “Father of English poetry.” “The Canterbury Tales” is a staple in many British literature classes. Telling refugees’ stories in the style of a quintessential British text is a political statement, making these refugees a part of the cultural canon and saying they deserve a place in the United Kingdom.

TO GET INVOLVED:

The Walk: The Refugee Tales will host their annual walk this year from July 6-10 from Edenbridge in Kent to Westminster in London. You can buy tickets to participate in the walk. 

The Stories: For easier yet impactful involvement, listen to or purchase the books full of the U.K.’s refugees’ tales.

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Annie O’Brien

Annie is a third-year student at George Washington University studying English, Creative Writing, and History. From Philadelphia, she is an avid reader, pop-culture enthusiast, and traveler. She’s always eager to talk about her adventures abroad and domestically, whether it's telling about the time she hitch-hiked in Bavaria or offering recommendations for the best bookstores in Key West. She hopes to become a published author one day. Enjoy more of her writing on her Substack.

The First Documentary? Or an Utter Falsehood?: "Nanook of the North"

Cemented as a piece of cultural iconography of the Inuit Peoples, "Nanook of the North" exemplifies how art and exploitation can coexist.

“Nanook” Harpoon Scene, Musee McCord Stewart, CC0.

A series of onscreen intertitles dash and dance across the screen at the start of director Robert Flaherty’s 1922 documentary "Nanook of the North." Viewers are told of the harsh cold in Eastern Canada's Ungava Peninsula and, more specifically, the difficult process of filming under these conditions. Soon, a man with a fur coat and weathered skin occupies the screen, making direct eye contact with the camera as wind ruffles the fur of his coat. His name is Nanook—or so we are told.

"Nanook of the North" is one of the most cited and celebrated films in history; it is a staple in movie buffs’ collections and academic classrooms alike. And, the film was one of the first twenty-five films to be chosen for the Library of Congress’s national film registry. The film centers on a man named Nanook and his family as they hunt and live in the freezing temperatures of Eastern Canada through both summer and winter. Critics and historians alike have deemed Nanook the “original” documentary film for its then-groundbreaking ethnographic preservation and depiction of Inuit life and culture. Perhaps just as importantly, Flaherty himself has gone down in history as a legendary dramatist and pioneer of the documentary genre.

"Nanook of the North" original promotional poster. Wikimedia Commons. CC0.

Years later, however, the film is now shrouded in mystery, infamy and controversy. Although "Nanook" is groundbreaking, it is also misunderstood by many. Careful watchers will spy an explanation in one of the first intertitles that Nanook was a composite character created by Flaherty to typify his perception of Inuit life. For much of the twentieth century, people considered the portrayal to be both real and accurate. But, as the film itself makes clear, Nanook and his entire on-screen family were characters. The character of Nanook is played by a man named Allakariallak, and his “wife” Nyla is actually a woman named Alice. The suspenseful harpoon hunting scenes and costuming of the characters is both dated and staged.

Despite being well-received upon its release and celebrated continuously since, "Nanook of the North" is both fabricated and anachronistic. Some modern theorists question if the film should even be considered a documentary at all. But, at the same time, documentary film is not solely the reflection of reality and preservation of truth; many documentaries today are simply a depiction of the filmmaker’s worldview and are similarly underlined by personal bias. And, consequently, Nanook is a reflection of Flaherty's bias and life experiences. Flaherty’s father was a mining engineer and geologist, and his mother encouraged Flaherty’s flair for the arts. Moreover, while growing up in Iron Mountain, Michigan near the border of Canada, Flaherty interacted with American traders and trappers as well as Indigenous peoples who also lived near or on the United States-Canada border. His childhood perception of these peoples frame the plot and characterization of Nanook’s family as well as the traders they meet, which were inaccurate by the time of the film’s 1922 release. Flaherty frames himself as an explorer and discoverer when, in reality, by 1922 many Inuit people already used rifles and incorporated western clothing into their outfits. In short, Flaherty’s depiction of Nanook and his family is a romanticized depiction of Inuit culture and life. 

Robert J. Flaherty. Arnold Genthe. CC0.

But, in a pre-internet age, the audience had no idea that these images were manipulated and romanticized — they had no way of doing their own research because there were few if any realistic depictions of Inuit life in readily available media. What resulted was “Nanookmania,” a craze among viewers that resulted in the appropriation of Inuit culture. And, although one could make the argument that Flaherty had no idea that this popularity would ensue, he took steps to market the film to profit from the inaccurate portrayal of these people. The fur company Revillon Freres sponsored Flaherty’s film, which featured Nanook and his family in outdated fur coats, as well as a large display of fur pelts at trading post scenes. In many ways, this inaccuracy was an early form of product placement.

“Nyla,” pictured in a fur. Musee McCord Stewart. CC0.

Beyond the marketing and fictional construction of characters in "Nanook of the North", many of the directorial choices both romanticize and exotify the Inuit actors featured in the film. The intertitle cards declare that Nanook and his family are “kindly, brave, and simple,” perpetuating the stereotype that Inuit people are an unintelligent yet loveable people and thereby infantilizing them.

Moreover, in a scene at the trading post, when one of Nanook’s children eats too much biscuit with lard, a white trader feeds the child castor oil and, miraculously, the child is better instantaneously. This scene exalts western medicine and, in turn, harmfully glorifies western ideals and technology. Additionally, while at the trading post Nanook, a grown man, plays with a record player, biting the vinyl and laughing. This scene not only makes a joke out of Nanook’s supposed unfamiliarity with that piece of technology, but also infantilizes him in the same vein as the stereotypical descriptions of the family at the beginning of the film. 

The infamous Gramophone scene. Library of Congress. CC0.

Although "Nanook of the North"will forever be considered one of the first documentaries and a dramatic feat by director Robert Flaherty, it is important to note the inaccuracies and misappropriation that riddles the film. Primarily, the movie is a representation of Flaherty’s limited interactions with Inuit peoples, informed by his childhood memories. As "Nanook" lives on in infamy, it is crucial to acknowledge the drawbacks — intentional and not — in Flaherty’s directorial approach.

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Carina Cole is a media studies student with a concentration in creative writing at Vassar College. She is an avid journalist and occasional flash fiction writer. Her passion for writing overlaps with environmentalism, feminism, social justice, and a desire to travel beyond the United States. When she’s not writing, you can find her meticulously curating playlists or picking up a paintbrush. 

Confronting Houselessness Crisis Worldwide

With the 2023 Supreme Court case of City of Grants Pass, Oregon v. Gloria Johnson circulating the headlines and threatening the rights of 653,104 unhoused people in the United States, understanding how other countries are addressing the issue of houselessness can help provide perspective.

A person sits on a bench with their belongings. Grego. CC0 1.0

In 2020, the world denied an estimated 1.6 billion people the human right to adequate housing. Societies often stigmatize houselessness, leading to discrimination against unhoused people. This stigma often contributes to the criminalization of houselessness. 

Houselessness is criminalized when laws can punish people for partaking in life-sustaining activities in public spaces. Examples of these laws include prohibitions on panhandling or allowing the confiscation of personal property, often referred to as “sweeping.” 

The Supreme Court's decision in the City of Grants Pass, Oregon v. Gloria Johnson case will determine whether it is constitutional for states to fine or arrest people for sleeping outside, even when adequate shelter is unavailable. This comes at a time when houselessness is on the rise across the U.S., with a 12 percent increase between 2022 and 2023. Los Angeles and New York City are home to about a quarter of America's unhoused population. 

In the U.S., houselessness is a highly politicized issue. The 2020 Democratic platform endorsed a Housing First policy that prioritizes accessible permanent housing, stating that, “Having a stable and safe place to live is essential to helping a person tackle any other challenges.” In contrast, Republicans on the Joint Economic Committee released a report in 2022 criticizing Housing First policy for failing to “to address deeper problems that often drive homelessness”. The lawmakers proposed that Housing First policy be replaced with policy that prioritizes health and employment resources. The debate over solutions persists as houseless populations rise.

The City of Grants Pass, Oregon v. Gloria Johnson case is not the first time laws explicitly criminalizing houselessness have been on the global radar. In 2018, Hungary enacted a new constitutional provision that put houseless people sleeping in public spaces at risk of fines or arrest. Since the passage of this law, the number of houseless people in Hungary has not changed, with an estimated 30,000 houseless people in both 2018 and 2024. 

Hungary is far from the only country to combat houselessness with criminalization. Many governments have turned to this strategy, from the forced institutionalization of houseless children in Brazil to laws authorizing the arrest of people loitering in Sierra Leone and Nigeria. 

Other countries have taken a different route in tackling this crisis by increasing accessible housing and resources. Finland’s Housing First Policy focuses on providing people with housing and addressing underlying conditions and factors contributing to their houselessness. Since the Housing First policy began in 2008, the number of long-term houseless people in Finland decreased by more than 35 percent. Some policies combine punitive and welfare measures. The government in Tokyo, Japan has combined these strategies by punishing people for residing in public spaces while redirecting them to welfare resources.

Beyond policy, technological innovations present potential solutions for this issue. In India, Tvasta Manufacturing Solutions collaborated with Habitat for Humanity to create 3D-printed homes. These homes can be built in five days or less, are about 30 percent cheaper than traditional construction and create less waste. The 3D-printed homes industry is now present across the globe from Africa to Mexico. 

Beyond the world of policy and technology, everyday people can directly take action to help address houselessness. Destigmatization is an important step in addressing this issue. Experts recommend advocacy and creating public education campaigns to help people understand and empathize with unhoused people. Attending educational opportunities such as events hosted by the UN Working Group to End Homelessness is a great way to learn and engage with people fighting for the right to adequate housing.

For those looking to make an impact on a local scale, there are many volunteering opportunities with organizations such as CaringWorks or the National Coalition for the Homeless. With an estimated 1.6 billion people expected to be impacted by the housing crisis in 2025 and an estimated two billion people fearing climate-related displacement, the time to act is now.

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Madison Paulus

Madison is a student at George Washington University studying international affairs, journalism, mass communication, and Arabic. Born and raised in Seattle, Washington, Madison grew up in a creative, open-minded environment. With passions for human rights and social justice, Madison uses her writing skills to educate and advocate. In the future, Madison hopes to pursue a career in science communication or travel journalism.