Located at the converging point between the African Great Lakes region and East Africa, the Republic of Rwanda is an environmentally, economically and culturally diverse country rebuilding its identity in the wake of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, in which approximately 800,000 Tutsis were killed by Hutu extremists. The country takes pride in its regional fauna, which includes elephants, gorillas, hippos, giraffes and zebras. Travelers interested in viewing Rwandan wildlife can observe it in three national parks: Volcanoes National Park, Nyungwe Forest National Park and Akagera National Park. “Mama Rwanda” also shows Kigali, the capital of Rwanda and the heart of its economic and cultural life. The city boasts a vibrant marketplace and architecture that combines traditional and modern styles. Outside the city, Rwanda’s expansive coffee growing fields are tended by over 450,000 planters. Basket weaving has been an important aspect of Rwandan culture for centuries and is now being used by women impacted by the Rwandan genocide to pursue greater economic independence as producers within an international market. Hutu and Tutsi women have come together to weave baskets, a practice that is now a symbol of national reconciliation. These businesses sell their wares to both small stores and large department stores like Macy’s. The profits of weaving companies are often used to support Rwandan families in need of food and medicine.
Altered Photos of Cambodian Genocide Victims Spark Outrage
Too often history is viewed as an element of the past—chains of unchangeable events that can be analyzed and nothing more. However, it is important that victims of past atrocities are honored, a lesson in which modern media has fallen short.
With the advancements of the digital age, the culture of media has grown ever more rapid, often leading to negative consequences. In a recent incident, history itself took center stage as one photographer’s actions sparked massive outrage among victims of the Khmer Rouge genocide, which led to the deaths of more than 2 million Cambodians in the late 1970s.
Vice published the work of photographer Matt Loughrey, who edited photos of victims from the S-21 prison in Phnom Penh taken minutes before their executions. Loughrey has been accused of editing the photos so that they show smiling faces, creating waves of backlash for the photographer.
Upset relatives of the photographed victims stated that Loughrey’s work was of horrible judgment, citing his acts as degrading the dignity of the victims. Cambodian officials too were outraged upon seeing the photos; the country’s Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts threatened legal action. In addition to insensitive alterations of the photos, the Vice article misidentified one of the victims, publishing incorrect personal details.
Others have declared the actions of Loughrey to be crimes against history itself, stating the alterations to be offensive to truth.
VICE has since removed the photos, citing errors in the company’s editorial process.
The Bigger Picture
Beyond the first waves of anger resulting from this incident, larger lessons have been learned by all involved. Primarily, the incident has brought to light a flaw in the way people view history; although history is an analysis of past events, it must be equally weighted against potential consequences for the victims themselves. Second, it highlights that history is not always entirely of the past—there are still over 5 million Khmer Rouge victims living, along with millions of other descendants and close community members. Third, it brings up the question of what should be considered acceptable when it comes to altering representations of history. Is there wiggle room for subjectivity, or should all journalistic representations be as objective as possible?
Amid the turmoil and animosity between the opposing sides of this conflict, some light still remains. The incident stands as a crucial reminder for everyone that the analysis of history can be as much a weapon as a tool. It remains up to the media, and their audiences, to use the past appropriately.
Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.
What the Arrest of Paul Rusesabagina Means for Peace in Rwanda
Rwanda’s history of violence still looms over its people’s memory. More than 25 years after the end of the Rwanda genocide, political tensions and growing concerns over civil rights are once again threatening the fabric of peace in the country.
Paul Rusesabagina, the former manager of the Hotel de Mille Collines in Kigali, Rwanda, was arrested in August 2020. During his time as hotel manager, he saved 1,268 lives during the 1994 Rwanda genocide. Touted as a human rights advocate, he is now being charged with murder, arson and terrorism. Rwanda, still reeling from the heinous ethnic violence that spread across the country 26 years ago, once again finds itself on edge.
It has been more than a quarter of a century since up to 800,000 people were killed in the Rwanda genocide. Many of those slaughtered were part of the country’s Tutsi minority, which was ethnically targeted by Hutu extremists. The international community, including the United Nations, failed to take swift enough action to prevent the further spread of violence, which continued from April to July 1994. Former U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon even publicly expressed shame over the organization's failure to prevent the genocide during a 2014 commemoration ceremony in Rwanda.
In the time since, the country has tried to embark on a reconciliation process to ensure that nothing of such nature will ever occur again. Rusesabagina has since enjoyed international attention for his actions during the genocide. The 2004 film “Hotel Rwanda,” based on the Hotel de Mille Collines, received widespread critical acclaim and catapulted Rusesabagina to global celebrity status. The film was nominated for three Academy Awards, and President George W. Bush even awarded Rusesabagina the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2005.
However, the attention generated by “Hotel Rwanda” and Rusesabagina was not inherently positive, especially for the ruling party of Rwanda. President Paul Kagame, the leader of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, has often been described as a dictator. He has been in power for over 20 years and has been the target of international criticism, including from Rusesabagina. Kagame’s actions toward quelling dissent have become the main focus of scrutiny, especially the jailing of political rivals like Shima Diane Rwigara and Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza. In 2018, an annual European Union human rights report highlighted the presence of civil rights violations in Rwanda, allegations that Kagame wrote off as being “ridiculous.”
Rusesabagina himself is an ardent critic of Kagame. In 2007, he claimed that Kagame was responsible for the assassination of former President Juvenal Habyarimana, whose plane was shot down in 1994. Habyarimana's death created more anti-Tutsi sentiment in Rwanda, galvanizing Hutu extremists to take to the streets and plunging the country into violence. Rusesabagina claimed that Kagame’s possible role in Habyarimana’s assassiniation made him responsible for the hundreds of thousands killed during the genocide.
Now, Rusesabagina is the latest critic to be targeted by the Kagame regime. Rusesabagina, who now lives in San Antonio, was traveling to Burundi to speak to a congregation regarding his experience during the Rwanda genocide. Little did he know that this was a lie, and he was falling into a trap set by Kagame that would lead to his arrest. Rusesabagina had a layover in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, before boarding a flight that he thought was heading to Burundi. In Dubai he met Constantin Niyomwungere, the pastor of the congregation Rusesabagina was supposed to speak to. Together, they took a chartered jet intended for Bujumbura in Burundi. However, when the plane landed, Rusesabagina did not find himself in Bujumbura. Instead, he was in the Rwandan capital of Kigali, where he was immediately arrested by law enforcement officials.
Rusesabagina’s arrest is much more than a simple plot by an authoritarian to eliminate critics; it is a reminder of how fragile the peace and reconciliation process can be. Since the Rwanda genocide, the country has made immense progress in improving living standards. In 2019, life expectancy in Rwanda was 69 years, compared to just 31 years in 1995. Women make up 61% of the country’s legislature, the highest proportion of women holding public office in the world. Literacy rates went from just under 60% in the early 1990s to 73% in 2018. Yet, as Rusesabagina’s arrest shows, Rwanda is still has a lot to overcome to fulfill its vision of a post-genocide future.
Rusesabagina benefited from global visibility that not only catapulted him to fame, but brought attention to Rwanda and the 1994 genocide. His arrest is known because he is known. However, the Kagame administration has a pattern of arresting critics and accusing them of conspiracy against the state. Rusesabagina is just one of many in an increasing number of human rights violations that threaten the landscape of Rwandan peace.
The Rwanda genocide provides a stark reminder of how far the world is yet to come in genocide prevention and reconciliation. There have been U.N. investigations and tribunals, Hollywood glamour and award shows since then. Yet, violence does not crawl back to the shadows when the world shines a spotlight on it. Rather, the international community needs to learn from its mistakes and make sure that Paul Rusesabagina’s arrest does not open a new opportunity for another moment of mass violence.
Aerex is a current student at Occidental College majoring in Diplomacy and World Affairs with a minor in East Asian Studies. He is passionate about sharing people’s stories through writing, and always strives to learn about new places and cultures. Aerex loves finding new music and exploring his hometown of Los Angeles in his free time.
China Weaponizes Tourism to Erase Uyghur Culture
8,000 Uyghur mosques have been destroyed, and cafes and bars have taken their place, as China’s Han majority ethnic group flock to Xinjiang for its natural beauty. Mosques left standing have become museums catering to Han visitors, and religious pilgrims are turned away.
Read MoreNo Peace for the People: Ethiopia’s Ethnic Groups Targeted
While citizens and officials alike fear a potential civil war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, the country’s ethnic groups have become targets of violence. Many fear that the current struggles deepen existing ethnic divides.
Over the past several weeks, the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia has exploded into violence. The current conflict comes after years of mounting tensions between the elected government of the Tigray region and the federal government. The postponement of the September election sparked the most recent series of violent acts; existing ethnic tensions have now transformed into the slaughtering of local ethnic groups, forcing many to flee for safety in Sudan.
A Rising Civil War
The tensions in Ethiopia trace back along a labyrinthine history of political unrest, with the primary combatants being the proponents of the federal government and the officials in the Tigray region. Fighting escalated when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed accused the Tigray region of attacking a federal military base and responded by sending an attack on the region. However, underlying issues began back in 2018 when Ahmed was first elected.
For decades, Ethiopia’s main political party was the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, which began around 1991 when the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) aided the overthrow of the previously Marxist government. Up until 2018, the party had controlled both the political and economic components of the country. With Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s election, the TPLF’s power within the party it founded began to quickly disappear. Ahmed removed and attempted to convict many officials through potentially corrupt means, many of whom escaped to the Tigray region. He also attempted to combine parties that followed ethnic lines, which deepened divides among the groups.
In response to the prime minister’s recent postponement of the election, the unofficial leaders of the Tigray region made a decision no one in the country had done before: they held their own election. Tigray threatened secession, which is upheld in the nation’s constitution. The federal government, though, responded by withdrawing aid from Tigray and sending in troops.
Ethnic Targeting
Now that the violence has furthered into increasing physical confrontation, many ethnic groups in Ethiopia feel under attack. Recent killings have left ethnic Tigrayans and ethnic Amharas slaughtered in the streets. Calls for peace talks between the two groups have been rejected, and now nearly 15,000 people have fled for safety.
There are major criticisms on both sides, with calls for the TPLF’s unconditional surrender coming from the federal government. Meanwhile, the regional government of Tigray has been accused of igniting fear that is believed to have fed into the violent slaughtering of ethnic Amharas.
Officials fear that these killings could turn into an ethnic cleansing and genocide. Tigrayan locals are dealing with the bulk of the chaos; many are being taken in for questioning and are too fearful to contact family members outside of the region.
Experts warn that Ethiopia’s history of ethnic conflict will likely repeat itself as the nation spirals into political disarray. Only the potential for peace now holds the nation together as its ethnic groups continue to clash.
Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.
25 Years On, Bosnia Mourns Victims of the Srebrenica Massacre
On July 11, mourners gathered for a memorial service at the Srebrenica Genocide Memorial in Potocari, Bosnia, to commemorate the 25th anniversary of the Srebrenica massacre. The service, which included the burial of nine recently identified victims, comes as many Bosnians continue to mourn the loss of loved ones during the massacre.
The commemoration was not limited to the region around Srebrenica. Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia-Herzegovina, played sirens throughout the city at noon on July 11 in memory of the victims of the massacre.
Serge Brammertz, chief prosecutor of the U.N. International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia until its shutdown in 2017, spoke on the importance of honoring the massacre’s victims - and of labeling the event as a genocide, something many Serbs refuse to acknowledge.
“To truly honor the memory of those lost 25 years ago, and to recognize the victims and survivors with us today, it is our responsibility to keep fighting for justice and truth and to call what happened in Srebrenica by its name, genocide,” Brammertz said.
The Srebrenica massacre was the killing of more than 8,000 majority-Muslim Bosniak men and the mass deportation of Bosniak women and children from the area around the town of Srebrenica during the Bosnian War in 1995. Units of the Bosnian Serb army led by Gen. Ratko Mladic carried out the atrocities. The massacre was formally classified as a genocide by the United Nations in 2004.
In the 25 years that have followed, not all who call Srebrenica home have felt like the racial tensions which brought about the massacre have been addressed. According to a 2018 poll, 66% of Serbs in Republika Srpska, Bosnia-Herzegovina’s Serb-run entity, deny the genocide.
Almasa Salihovic, a survivor of the massacre, discussed in an interview with Al-Jazeera about how there are those within the community who celebrate July 11 as “the day of liberation of Srebrenica” from the Bosniaks.
“That's what scares me the most,” Salihovic said. “Even if we don't have incidents in Srebrenica like physical fights, we still have these hidden attacks which is far more worse … You have people who would still do the same thing tomorrow if they have the chance and if we don't speak even more loudly than we do now, then I'm really not sure where this is going.”
This misinterpretation of the genocide is not limited to the massacre’s sympathizers in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Shortly after the commemoration events began throughout the country, Serbian Prime Minister Ana Brnabic publicly referred to the genocide as one of several “misunderstandings from the past.” The Serbian government has previously apologized for the massacre, but has not yet recognized the event as a genocide.
For the time being, Bosnia-Herzegovina continues to urge the international community to counter any denial of genocide. The European Union, the United States and a number of other countries have officially recognized the massacre as a genocide, while Russia, notably, denies the event’s scale. Additionally, efforts to identify victims of the massacre within Bosnia-Herzegovina and abroad are ongoing.
Coronavirus and the Amazon’s Indigenous Population
The Indigenous populations of the Americas have been decimated by diseases brought by colonizers for centuries. With the first case of Coronavirus among Brazil’s Indigenous population identified on April 1st, the trend continues. They are under considerable risk of an outbreak spiraling out of control. Brazil’s President, Jair Bolsonaro, has time and time again placed his opinion and policy against the Indigenous peoples of the Amazon. Their resources and social environment are not fit to handle a pandemic. The outbreak could have serious repercussions.
One of Bolsonaro’s first actions in office was an assault on protections of the Amazon, exploiting Indigenous land and putting their populations at risk in the process. Later, he admitted to fueling fires in the Amazon to clear land for agriculture. This has caused severe damage to the local populations and the ecosystem. Their lands are being taken and their communities destroyed for the sake of corporate profit.
Bolsonaro has a history of racism against the Indigenous people of the country. He once stated: “It’s a shame that the Brazilian cavalry hasn’t been as efficient as the Americans, who exterminated the Indians,” one of many such remarks. He has permitted illegal loggers to seize and raid territory in the Amazon, which alongside the health risks of the virus, has lead Brazil’s Federal Public Ministry to warn of the “risk of genocide.”
Bolsonaro has displayed little care about Coronavirus. He has called it “a little flu” and has urged Brazilians to leave isolation and go back to work. This is in a country that has reported 22,720 cases and 1,270 deaths as of April 13. His lack of regard for both taking the necessary precautions against Coronavirus and protecting the Indigenous communities in the territory project a very dangerous situation in Brazil.
The Indigenous territories of the Amazon do not have the resources to fight this battle alone.
Their communities have very limited access to healthcare. People often live in close quarters with each other. Not to mention that 107 groups who have no contact with the outside world and would have no means to deal with an outbreak. And that doctors pose the risk of spreading the disease further.
Indigenous populations have a history of disease decimating their populations, and given the lack of resources and government response, there is a great possibility of Coronavirus dealing massive damage. Karl Marx said that history repeats itself, “the first as tragedy, then as farce.” Without a government to turn to, this situation is seemingly in the hands of non-profit groups and Brazilians willing to step up and help their fellow compatriots.
Arlo grew up in New York City and is currently a Human Rights major at Bard College. He intends on using this background to pursue a career in journalism. He almost played D3 Lacrosse but realized how bad of an idea that was.
Investing in War: How Violence Has Turned into a Profitable Business
Violence finds its home most often in some of the poorest places. But money filtrates its way through often gathering in arms businesses and corrupt governments. In recent times, this has been true in many countries throughout Africa and the Middle East. Is the price of death worth it?
There is a moral question that has surfaced over the years on whether you would have to choose between the death of someone you loved or thousands of strangers. Most of the time it would be frowned upon if you picked one life at the expense of thousands. But not everybody agrees. That moral standard doesn’t translate when power is involved. Too often the death of innocent people is picked for monetary gain. This isn’t just found with governments often associated with corruption but also can be found in US foreign policy and even in the UN. Just look at the Rwandan Genocide and Iraqi War for example. The US tends to only involve itself in conflict in which it has another interest in, often oil or another economic benefit. In Rwanda, the UN actually left the country when violence broke out and only got re-involved once it reached international attention. After the genocide ended, the country got so much foreign aid that its capital city, Kigali, is being recreated as a post-modern enterprise focused solely on appearance and not reality. This pattern has continued throughout many conflicts. It is, quite frankly, the business of war.
This best current examples of this trend lie in South Sudan and Yemen. The rise of the Arab Spring lead to the intermingling of conflict, with wealthy monarchies fueling and funding neighboring battles. This is seen in both Syria and Libya. The most notable pairing though is the UAE in Yemen. Like most foreign involvement it is motivated by economic gain, namely control of the Red Sea coastline, and military prowess, as presence equals power. The UAE’s influence has led to the risk of starvation for 14 million people and a much more complex civil war. The leaders of militia groups are now benefiting greatly from foreign aid while the gap between rich and poor continues to spread.
South Sudan follows a similar pattern. The civil war has led to leadership on both sides of line pocketing millions and pursuing private business in real estate acquisitions and capital investments. South Sudan’s economy is completely dependent on oil leading to endless conflict over oil reserves and wealth distribution. The war has left over 5 million in need of aid yet little is being done to stop it. When those in charge get nothing but wealth, why save the people?
One of the biggest culprits of profiting from war lies in the companies controlling valuable natural resources. Often these companies are foreign owned and operated and give little thought to the violence surrounding it, focusing only on the influx of cash. These goals often coincide with a repressive regime. A study from the World Bank found that if one-fourth of the country's GDP is from primary commodity exports, the possibility of a civil war increases by 30%. Two examples of this are in Columbia and Tibet. Both areas have repressive governments with Tibet under illegal occupation of China. This has allowed for the expansion of foreign interest in mining in both countries, often with little regard to the surrounding area and the people that live there. In Columbia alone, 68% of displacements occurred in mining areas.
As long as money is involved and there are people, governments, and companies benefitting from war and violence, there is little motivation to change. If only we could learn that you don’t need to fight violence with violence, you fight by combatting the wealth of those with power.
DEVIN O’DONNELL’s interest in travel was cemented by a multi-month trip to East Africa when she was 19. Since then, she has continued to have immersive experiences on multiple continents. Devin has written for a start-up news site and graduated from the University of Michigan with a degree in Neuroscience.
Canada’s Genocide: The Case of the Ahiarmiu
As a human rights scholar, I have long argued that Canada committed cultural genocide against Indigenous peoples. But recently, I’ve come to conclude, in the case of the Ahiarmiut, that it’s not cultural genocide —it’s actual physical genocide.
An article in the Globe and Mail last summer by Gloria Galloway told the story of what happened to the Ahiarmiut, a small group of Inuit in 1950.
The Canadian government forcefully relocated them 100 kilometres from their original home in what is now Nunavut. The government’s reason for moving the Ahiarmiut people was that they were becoming too dependent on trade with federal employees at a nearby radio tower.
Galloway got much of her information from David Serkoak, an Elder who lived through the relocations. Recently, Serkoak collaborated with the Canadian Museum for Human Rights (CMHR) to tell his story and to be a storyteller for his community.
RHODA E. HOWARD-HASSMANN is a Professor Emeritus, Department of Political Science, at Wilfrid Laurier University.
THIS ARTICLE WAS ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED ON THE CONVERSATION