Fireworks for New Year’s Eve. Anderson. CC2.0
From eating 12 grapes before midnight in Spain to drinking champagne with ashes and planting underwater trees in Russia, check out these 10 countries and how they celebrate the New Year in different ways. You might find some new ideas for your own New Years in 2024.
Read MoreThe death of Mahsa Amini in the custody of morality police after being arrested for breaking hijab rules has sparked violent demonstrations across Iran.
Read More
An aerial view of Tehran, Iran. Hansueli Krapf. CC BY-SA 3.0
In the 1980s, Iran intentionally tried to grow its own population, aiming to increase its military strength amid the Iran-Iraq war. The 1979 Islamic Revolution had seen Iran’s old monarchy overthrown and a new republic built on Shiite Islam take shape. Student groups and leftist organizations rejoiced at the new rights promised to women; Islamist groups lauded the fact that their country was now a theocracy. But the new government wanted to ensure that the ideas of the revolution would last beyond one generation. So it encouraged polygamy, made birth control nearly impossible to find and lowered the age of marriage to 9 for girls and 15 for boys.
The plan worked—Iran’s population grew enormously. Forty years after the revolution, there are almost 50 million more people living in Iran. But these newcomers are not a new generation of happy, loyal citizens. They are people who the nation was not built to hold.
Overpopulation was not something Iran was completely unprepared for. Soon after the revolution, 17 new “satellite cities” were planned on the outskirts of the country's major cities. They had names like Pardis (“paradise” in Persian) and Parand ("silk"). They were to provide affordable places to live for people that the larger cities could not hold. But as Iran struggled with unrest and war, these cities wouldn’t begin to be built for decades. They remain half-finished even today.
The Mehr housing project in Nishapur, Iran. Sonia Sevilla. CC BY 1.0
In 2007, the Iranian government developed a scheme it hoped would solve the overpopulation problem and make the satellite cities more livable: contract out free land to real estate developers who were willing to build low-income housing units. In this way around 2 million homes were planned to be built throughout Iran. But the Mehr housing project, as it was called, failed to deliver in the cities that needed housing the most. The 400,000 units built were poorly constructed and lacked essential utilities, like plumbing and clean water. The sterile white color that all the high-rises were painted with in Pardis says it all. These buildings didn’t seem like they were meant to be lived in, only passed through.
But the satellite cities are indeed lived in. In recent years, the overpopulation that plagues Iran’s largest cities has only gotten worse. The Financial Times reported in 2017 that the population of Tehran, Iran’s capital and largest city, “exceeds the optimum level by more than 70%.” The air is full of pollution, and the city’s roads are packed with traffic. But the last straw for many Tehranis is the cost of housing, which according to the New Yorker has more than doubled in the last three years. U.S. sanctions have contributed to this, as did former President Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw from the Iran nuclear deal. With nowhere else to go, droves of Iranians have moved to the satellite cities, where houses are cheaper. In 2019, the population of Parand was 100,000; a year later, that number had doubled.
The unfinished cities have been unable to provide jobs for their populations. Most of the people who make up Pardis must commute each day to work in Tehran. And, as the city lacks most forms of public transport, this means driving—sometimes up to three hours each way. The cities lack recreational areas, stores and the capabilities to provide health care and schooling to their growing populations. It’s no surprise that drug abuse and suicides are common in the cities.
Real estate prices remain high in congested Tehran, and more and more people are expected to leave. The people who make up these satellite cities, despite the lack of basic amenities, are grateful that they have a place to go at all. The Mehr housing project is not finished, and it is possible that in five years the livability of Tehran’s satellite cities will improve. But it is up to the Iranian government to ensure that these improvements do happen, and soon. The well-being of many Iranians depends on it.
Finn Hartnett
Finn grew up in New York City and is now a first-year at the University of Chicago. In addition to writing for Catalyst, he serves as a reporter for the Chicago Maroon. He spends his free time watching soccer and petting his cat.
Iranian Children’s Day 2008. Unicefiran. CC BY-ND 2.0
After the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Iran’s population reached 55 million people as the government encouraged its citizens to have larger families. However, from the 1980s to 2012, Iran witnessed its fastest and largest fertility drop ever. This was largely due to Iran’s former supreme leader Ayatollah Khomeini who feared “the economy could not support a growing population after Iran’s war with Iraq.” Currently, if it continues on this trend, Iran will become the oldest country in the world by 2050 with a third of the population over 60 years old. This trend is due to government-imposed family planning strategies and economic issues which have led to a lower number of marriages.
Family Planning Implemented 50 Years Ago
Before the Islamic Revolution, the government pushed for families to increase the number of children they had. This led to an average of seven children per family, but after the 1980s and the post-Islamic revolution increased family planning policies, this dropped to what is now an average of 1.7 children. This was due to fears that the economy would not be able to handle the rapidly growing population after the Islamic Revolution. The government implemented a nationwide campaign with more sex education, free condoms, cheap contraceptives and slogans such as “fewer kids, better life,” along with the advice to wait three to five years to have more children. People suddenly had very easy access to sexual sterilization procedures in public hospitals at affordable prices and now women had more time to go to university, even outnumbering men there. Consequently, women had more time to focus on their own interests while men did not have to support quite as large a family.
Economic Issues Led to Fewer Marriages
Iran’s war with Iraq led to issues that were largely due to both countries taking out the other’s oil industry. Research shows that “the loss of oil exporting capacity in both countries was by far the most devastating economic blow of the war.” Other economic hardships arose from decreased amounts of imports and several cities were bombed, damaging major infrastructures and impacting normal life for citizens. These factors led Iran’s annual population growth rate to drop below 1% as of this year, while just two years ago the rate was 1.4%. About a decade ago, Iran’s government reversed course and began encouraging families after realizing they were headed toward a population decline. Economic challenges have led to fewer marriages, with the rate dropping 40% in a decade. In response, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei offered incentives such as increasing paid maternity leave for men and women and in 2015, two laws were passed restricting contraceptives and sterilization procedures.
What Now?
With the daunting current situation, Iran has focused on almost doubling its population to 150 million. Additionally, “vasectomies will no longer be carried out by state-run medical centers and contraceptives will only be offered to women who are at risk.” Of course, the option is still available at private hospitals, but the easy access the country has had to procedures and contraceptives has come to an end. This has met with some resistance from human rights groups such as Amnesty International, which stated that “women are not baby-making machines.” Ultimately, though, the previous family planning policies have started to reverse and action has been taken to increase Iran’s annual population growth rate. The government’s focus now is to change its headlines from a rapidly aging country to a young, fast-growing one.
Elizabeth Misnick
is a Professional Writing and Rhetoric major at Baylor University. She grew up in a military family and lived in Europe for almost half her life, traveling and living in different countries. She hopes to continue writing professionally throughout her career and publish her writing in the future.
Child in Yemen among the rubble. Carl’s eye. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0
On June 17, the U.N. made the decision to remove the military coalition led by Saudi Arabia from one of its blacklists. The significance of this specific list, which focuses on children in armed conflict, is to shame groups that are guilty of violating the rights of children. Anyone can be placed on the list for a multitude of violations ranging from killing children to the recruitment of children for war. U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres stated that the coalition’s removal was decided by efforts made to reduce the number of deaths and decrease the airstrikes that caused the killings over the previous three years.
However, there is a discrepancy in the decision. According to data released by the U.N., 222 children were hospitalized or killed as a result of these attacks last year. In addition, several hours after the U.N. announced its decision to remove the coalition, four children were killed in an attack in northwest Yemen.
The war in Yemen can be traced back to 2011. Following the Arab Spring, there has been unrest due to a failed political transition that led to terrorist attacks, a separatist movement and corruption. However, in 2014 a rebel group known as the Houthis, backed by Iran, ousted the government. What started out as a civil war transitioned into a conflict with neighboring countries as the Saudi Arabia-led coalition stepped in, attempting to help restore the government and defeat the Houthis.
Child of Yemen. Carl’s eye. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0
As of March 2020, it is estimated that 7,700 civilians have died in the war, largely due to airstrikes from the coalition. However, these are only verified deaths. Some statistics estimate it to be as high as 100,000 fatalities. On top of the conflict, Yemen has been experiencing one of the worst famines it has seen in over 100 years. The country is considered the poorest Arab nation, and the war has ruined the economy to the extent that many people, especially children, are considered malnourished.
There has been backlash over the U.N.’s decision to remove the coalition from the blacklist. From a video posted by Al Jazeera, protests have taken to the streets outside of the U.N. headquarters in Yemen to speak of their disapproval. The main concern is that the removal could leave children vulnerable to future attacks, as voiced by groups like Save the Children. Observers are also questioning the integrity of the blacklist itself, including Iran which said that “the U.N. is giving a free pass.” Iran claims that the Houthis and the Yemeni government have been responsible for the same number of deaths yet only the Houthis remain on the list.
Guterres has said that U.N. would monitor the coalition’s activity over the next year. If there is an increase in children’s casualties, the coalition would be placed back on the list.
Eva Ashbaugh
Eva is a Political Science and Gender, Sexuality, and Women's Studies double major at the University of Pittsburgh. As a political science major concentrating on International Relations, she is passionate about human rights, foreign policy, and fighting for equality. She hopes to one day travel and help educate people to make the world a better place.
Gaza Skyline. Israel Defense Forces. CC 3.0
Gaza is blockaded through air, sea and land; has an extreme scarcity of medical supplies, has only 200 testing kits and 20 ventilators to service a population of two million, only one hospital bed for every 1,000 people. Here, an outbreak would spread with ease with no way to stop it.
Read More“Curves are everywhere in Eastern culture: our writing, our architecture, our instruments, the way we dance; even the tone of our language is curved. The West was built on angles. The East was built on curves.”
Within Iran’s lower classes, there is a highly conformist youth culture. Farzin Mahmoudzadeh, Author provided
In early January, after tensions between Iran and the United States escalated to the brink of war, President Donald Trump announced a detente of sorts, stating, “The United States is ready to embrace peace with all who seek it.”
It may have sounded like a conciliatory gesture, but the Trump administration went on to levy additional economic sanctions against the country only two days later.
As someone who has studied the lives of Iran’s working classes, I know just how damaging economic warfare has been. It’s hit young Iranians, who comprise a large portion of the population, particularly hard. High rates of inflation – on the order of 38.6% over the past 12 months – and a youth unemployment rate of 28.6% have drastically reduced their ability to purchase basic goods and feel any semblance of financial security.
Over the past 12 years, I’ve studied various groups of lower-class young people and their families in their homes, neighborhoods and workplaces, in shops, and in parks. I’ve also interviewed 44 youth between the ages of 15 and 29 who have been sidelined to the socioeconomic margins.
I wanted to know how they cope with prolonged insecurity and the constant threat of crisis.
Interestingly – and despite what you might see on the news – many don’t react by rebelling against authority or by regularly taking to the streets.
A central observation from my research and forthcoming book has been that, when faced with conditions of uncertainty, the young people I spoke with simply sought respect, acceptance and support from their communities. Life becomes a quest not for revolution, riches or vengeance, but for dignity.
The desire for status and dignity is an integral part of Iranian society.
Most of the poor, younger city dwellers I studied try to achieve this through both their conduct and their dress. They want to be seen as classy, diligent and moral. In communities that value prestige and look down on poverty, this becomes their ticket to a better life.
So in an attempt to conceal their poverty, they’ll spend their limited income on the latest trends so they can attain a “modern” appearance, from having the latest smartphones to wearing brand-name shoes and shirts – or at least knockoffs.
In order to avoid being seen as lazy or delinquent, the young people I interviewed work diligently and avoid being associated with petty criminals, like drug dealers. Even though there’s rarely enough work to go around, they get creative. They work in the informal economy as shop apprentices, street vendors and seamstresses. Those who can’t find work take up unpaid work babysitting for family members or helping with a family business in an effort to appear hardworking. By doing this, they can assume a moral high ground – regardless of how little money they’re actually making.
As one local, middle-aged woman told me, “There’s something wrong with a kid who doesn’t work.”
These young men and women are adhering to a set of values prized by their communities and promoted by society through billboards, national television and official speeches.
The result is a relatively stable social order – and a youth culture that’s highly conformist.
This might come as a surprise to some, since some Western media outlets sometimes fixate on acts of rebellion.
In reality, deviance – especially among the lower classes – is rare. Many simply can’t afford the consequences of being shunned by those around them.
The quest for dignity is only part of the story. Like many young people around the world, most youth in Iran have dreams of a better future. But for those dealing with daily economic hardship, there’s a chasm between their goals and what’s possible.
“I wanted to get my bachelor’s degree and have a job where I sat behind a desk,” said Babak, a street vendor, “but I had to drop out of ninth grade in order to meet my family’s expenses.”
That gap may never be fully breached. But many young Iranians I met still feel as if it’s possible to – in the words of a mechanic’s apprentice – “bring themselves up.”
The young people I interviewed do this not by trying to game the system, but by following the rules: diligence, self-sufficiency, a smart appearance, and moral and sexual cleanliness. For this, communities reward them with jobs, small promotions, or even just more deference. The material benefits might be minimal, but people nonetheless feel validated and included in the broader fabric of the nation.
In other contexts, researchers have found that “looking the part” – performing what’s deemed to be attractive to society – matters to people’s life prospects. The youth I knew in Iran do the same. They might not fully escape poverty, but they can escape stigma.
To them, that matters.
Of course, not everyone in Iran can maintain an appearance of industry, class and virtue.
There are young people who are desperately poor, who can’t even scrape together enough money for a new pair of shoes. There are drug addicts. There are young women who have been outed as prostitutes.
Focused on only helping those they deem “deserving,” communities do little to lift up people who have fallen through the cracks. Friends and acquaintances are unwilling to recommend them for jobs, neighbors avoid connecting with them, families view them with shame.
It can all seem a bit Darwinian, with those deemed unfit becoming social pariahs.
And yet, there are many youth who persevere, who believe that living by the rules, day in and day out, is the right way to live. As Ibrahim, a laborer, emphasized, “I try to live in a good way. If people remember you as good, this is reason to be proud.” To youth like Ibrahim, living a worthy life means not simply accumulating material goods, but staying true to a moral code.
In the face of rising prices, dwindling jobs, and few prospects for socioeconomic change, the routines of daily life create space for those who have suffered most under the weight of suffocating sanctions to breathe – and, in many cases, grow.
Manata Hashemi is a Farzaneh Family Assistant Professor of Iranian Studies, University of Oklahoma.
THIS ARTICLE WAS ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED ON THE CONVERSATION
The Great Mosque of Aleppo, Syria, was destroyed in December 2016. Fathi Nezam /Tasnim News Agency, CC BY-NC-SA
Since Sun Tzu wrote The Art of War in China in the sixth century BC, military writers have argued that to destroy the cultural heritage of your enemy is bad military practice. Many international agreements since have banned the destruction of cultural heritage in war. That is why there was a horrified reaction to President Trump’s recent threat to Iran’s cultural heritage following the assassination of General Soleimani.
Read MoreFollow these filmmakers on a 21 day expedition though Iran. From tiled adorned mosques to mountains tops, you might find the most fascinating part of this journey is the people themselves. The cities covered include Tehran, Shiraz,Yazd, Esfahan, Kashan in the south, and Tabriz and Lake Urmia in the North.
Over the past decade, Iranians at home and abroad in the United States have faced internal turmoil and external oppression—and with unrest once again brewing between America and the Middle East, upheaval threatens to return in full force.
Read MoreCsaba Labancz filmed this video compilation when he spent three weeks in Iran visiting most of the major cities and some unknown villages up in the Elburz mountains as well as some of the most remote places in the desert. This film is an essence of a country of ancient traditions, breathtaking landscapes, truly helpful and kind people and countless historical places.
Outfitted in hijab surfwear, Ireland's leading woman surfer, 26 year old Easkey Britton, headed to a remote area of Iran, a short strip of coast lying in a narrow swell window between Pakistan and the Gulf of Oman. She was the first woman to surf Iran, as far as we know. Of the experience she quoted Marie Curie, "Nothing in life is to be feared, it is only to be understood."