Is Macau the Gambling Capital of the World?

A small Chinese territory near Hong Kong, Macau’s gambling industry has grown exponentially in the past few decades.

Nightlife in Macau. Trey Ratcliff. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

Macau is a former Portuguese Colony located next to Hong Kong. It was considered a Special Administrative Region of China since 1999, which means that it has different laws than mainland China. For example, gambling in China is illegal everywhere except Macau, allowing it to climb the ranks and become the gambling capital  in the world. The actual city isn’t very large in terms of size, but with its numerous casinos and hotels for its gambling tourists, it has become extremely wealthy. Its population size (roughly 650,000) is small compared to the size of its tourism industry, but the GDP per capita is extremely high, which is why it is considered so rich. As Chinese millionaires continuously travel to Macau trying to become even richer, money keeps coming into the gambling industry. As Chineses economy grows, the more millionaires come to gamble, the more money the casinos earn. The city’s taxes on gambling make up around 70% of the government’s revenue, so the more money being exchanged, the richer Macau becomes. Despite all this, many of the city’s residents are struggling. While the casinos and the richest people thrive off the rampant gambling, many of the casino workers and their families aren’t as well off. A lot of the government’s money goes back to investing in the casinos rather than helping the poor.

In the gambling world, Macau is often called the “Las Vegas” of China, but that is not quite the case. Beyond the casinos, Vegas has a focus on shows and performances, while Macau  focuses more so on gambling. As such, even if someone doesn’t want to take risks with their money, they will still have large, sparkling shows in Vegas, whereas in Macau, people can go to museums and attractions to explore the culture when not in casinos. 

People in Macau. Kevin Jaako. CC BY-NC 2.0.

In 2021, Macau had 42 casinos running. Like the ones in Vegas, some casinos in Macau are based off of some Western places and take inspiration from Vegas itself. For example, much like the Venetian in Vegas, there is a Venetian Macau that dwarfs the one in the States. It is the world’s biggest casino and the seventh largest building in the world in terms of floor area. There are 640 gaming tables, 1760 slot machines, 3000 suites for guests and over 30 restaurants there alone. The Parisian Macau, much like the Paris-themed part of Vegas, has an Eiffel Tower replica and many other French-themed decorations. Another interesting casino in Macau is the MGM Cotai, designed to look like a jewelry box. Just like that implies, it has one of the largest art collections in the city with over 300 pieces of contemporary art. The collection combines both Eastern and Western art, as well as tradition and technology, making it even more intriguing. The actual casino inside, however, only takes up around 10% of the space inside the building, though it does have 177 gaming tables and 1500 slot machines. In 2019 before the COVID-19 pandemic, Macau reached 20.64 million tourists, whereas Vegas regularly receives roughly 40 million visitors per year. Despite this, since the amount of money exchanged in is much greater, Macau is considered the gambling capital. BeforeIn 2019, before  the pandemic, Macau earned $36 billion in gaming revenue. Vegas’ had a record of $1.23 billion in 2021, far less than Macau’s earnings before the pandemic, and the Vegas Strip didn’t even break 1 billion pre pandemic.

Looking at the games played in all the casinos, the most popular game in this city isn’t poker, blackjack or roulette; it’s baccarat. These games are also played with much higher stakes and with much more intensity. Wealthy people, mostly from China and all over East Asia, bet such large amounts of money that the games here have the highest stakes in the world, hence why it is considered the gambling capital. This part of Macau’s gambling culture goes beyond wealthy people having a lot of money to spend on gambling. In the west, people tend to see gambling as a fun but risky game. Chinese players see it as a financial opportunity. They hold their cards much tighter so that there are no chances of someone else leaning back and sneaking in a quick peak at their cards. This is an investment, an opportunity to get more money to be more financially stable, not a leisure activity. It’s extremely common to have hundreds of dollars exchanged within a couple of hands from the average person, not even from the high rollers. 

Though impressive, it’s because of all this that Macau suffered a lot from the COVID-19 pandemic. Almost their entire economy is based off of tourism, and when people stopped traveling, the city was hit with many losses. With China’s zero-COVID protocol, foreigners have not been allowed to travel into the city. The city survived with only Chinese tourists, but with COVID-19 slipping into the country anyway, Macau’s tourism and gambling industry has started falling apart once more. South Asian countries like Cambodia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Vietnam have been attempting to take over the gambling scene in Asia, which means that the Chinese territory will be struggling even more to regain its title as the gambling capital of the world.

Katherine Lim

Katherine Lim is an undergraduate student at Vassar College studying English literature and Italian. She loves both reading and writing, and she hopes to pursue both in the future. With a passion for travel and nature, she wants to experience more of the world and everything it has to offer.

The Islands of Hong Kong: Hidden Oases Next to a Bustling City

Hong Kong is known as an urban center, but just a short ferry ride away from downtown are traditional fishing villages and untamed beaches waiting to be explored.

Tai O village, sometimes called the Venice of the Orient. Christian Junker | Photography. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Hong Kong is a city of contrasts. It is where crowded slums stand next to glimmering skyscrapers, where its British legacy endures proudly with its Eastern roots, where poverty lives alongside some of the greatest riches in the world. It is also one of the most densely populated cities, with a population density of 17,311 people per square mile, packed inside a small urban center surrounded by mountains and outlying islands. 

But right outside the hustle of businesspeople lies a different side of Hong Kong. In some of the outer islands, just 10 away from Central, people live simple lives, sustaining themselves by fishing. Other islands are completely free of development and offer secluded beaches. These islands are part of the New Territories, which is included in the land that make up Hong Kong but have been largely free of development until recently. Nevertheless, it is possible to seek solitude just a short ferry ride away from the heart of Hong Kong, whether it is for a unique cultural experience or for a thrilling outdoor adventure.

Lantau Island

The Big Buddha statue, located in the interior of Lantau Island. Harald Felgner. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0. 

While Lantau Island, the largest in the special administrative region, is the location of the city’s airport and has some development on its northern side, the interior and southern side of the island holds quaint villages and massive religious monuments. In the interior of the island, one can find the Po Lin Monastery, a Buddhist monastery established in 1906, and the Big Buddha statue, a massive bronze sculpture of the Buddha completed in 1993. Taking inspiration from ancient Buddhist art forms, these sites offer a great opportunity to learn about the religion’s tradition. These sites are accessible via the Ngong Ping 360 cable car, which takes riders up the mountains from a commercial center near the airport. 

On the western coast of Lantau Island lies the village of Tai O, a fishing village partially built on stilts over the water. The villagers there hold on to their traditional way of life, resisting the integration of their lives into modern Hong Kong society. Visitors to the village can experience an authentic fishing village unaffected by the hustle of modern society. Besides trying out the local cuisine, visitors can also take a boat tour to try to spot the endangered Chinese white dolphin.

Cheung Chau Island

Tung Wan beach. Lewi Hirvela. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0. 

A 45-minute ferry ride from Central, Cheung Chau Island offers an adventure for all types of travelers. The island has a long history, being inhabited since prehistoric times. Ancient rock carvings left on the island by its earliest inhabitants have been declared as a monument of Hong Kong. In the 18th century, the island was the site of a pirate hideout. Today, the Cheung Po Tsai cave, where some booty of the pirate of the same name has been hidden, is open to the public to explore.

For those who prefer chilling on the beach, there are two public beaches on the island. Tung Wan beach, located at the heart of the island by the main village, offers soft sand, showers and changing rooms, concession stands, and all the amenities of conventional beach. The other beach, Kwun Yam, is a bit more out-of-the-way, with a smaller swimming area and coarser sand. However, it is the windsurfer’s paradise and was the training ground for Olympic windsurfing champion Lee Lai-Shan, who earned Hong Kong’s first gold medal in the 1996 Atlanta games. 

Lamma Island 

The floating fish farm rafts of Lamma Island. Trey Ratcliffe. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

More laid back than Lantau and Cheung Chau, Lamma Island offers an idyllic landscape. There is an extensive network of paths that takes visitors to a variety of sites around the island, from Hung Shing Yeh beach to the Tin Hau temple. That temple is a prime example of the East-meets-West theme seen throughout Hong Kong; the otherwise Eastern-style temple is guarded by two statues of Western-style lions. 

At the Sok Kwu Wan village, visitors can learn about the island’s fishing tradition. The Lamma Fisherfolks’ Village showcases the local fishing culture and history in Hong Kong for visitors. Floating fish farm rafts are spread out across the bay. A trip to Lamma cannot be completed without eating at one of the local restaurants, which serve freshly caught seafood from the island’s waters.

Po Toi and Tung Ping Chau Islands

The rocky coastline of Po Toi Island. Eddie Yip. CC BY-SA 2.0.

These two islands are for the more adventurous types of travelers. They are free from development. Po Toi, the southernmost of Hong Kong’s islands, is completely off the electrical grid, with its few buildings getting electricity from a small generator. This rocky island has many hiking trails, including one to Nam Kok Tsui, the southernmost point in Hong Kong. For the more brave, Mo’s Old House, an abandoned mansion built in the 1930s, is said to be haunted. 

Similarly, Tung Ping Chau island, in the remote far-northeast corner of the special administrative region, is also undeveloped. Unlike the rest of Hong Kong, it is composed of shale, resulting in an interesting geologic pattern. While the east side of the island has a sandy beach used for diving, the main focus of the island is its unique rock formations. The special geologic formations have made it a place of scientific interest. Today, it is a part of the UNESCO Global Geoparks network.

Bryan Fok

Bryan is currently a History and Global Affairs major at the University of Notre Dame. He aims to apply the notion of Integral Human Development as a framework for analyzing global issues. He enjoys hiking and visiting national parks.

A Cage Home Away from Being Homeless in Hong Kong

Cage homes have become the dangerous solution to living in the most expensive housing market in the world: Hong Kong.

Man Living in a Cage Home. Pondspider. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

Hong Kong is considered one of the most expensive cities to live in the world. The population of 7.4 million people live in a metropolis 110 times smaller than New York City.  Many struggle with the mounting housing prices which seem to keep rising. As a dangerous solution, low income individuals have developed "cage homes'' or “coffin homes” in which they reside. It consists of a bed-space, usually made of wood or wired boxes, large enough to only fit a bed and one or two personal items. An estimated 200,000 people, including 40,000 children live in cage homes in Hong Kong. The poor and elderly are the ones experiencing the effects the housing crisis Hong Kong has caused. 

Out of desperation, many people are deciding to live out of these cage homes in order to avoid living on the streets. These barbed wire “homes” were created in the 1950’s due to an influx of refugees coming from mainland China. They provided cheap labor for Hong Kong and, therefore, a demand for low cost bed space apartments. The apartment operators decided to make more profit by stacking bunk beds known as cages on top of each other, and the term “cage home” was created. Since then, the inhabitants have grown from immigrant workers to elderly men and women and children.

An average home in Hong Kong is about $1.28 million USD and a tiny “nano” apartment is on average $500,000 USD. Cage homes are approximately $230-$300 USD a month. They are the size of a parking space in the US, 7.5 feet in width and about 10 feet in length. They’re stacked on one another and there are approximately 30 cage homes in one room. All of the renter’s personal items are locked away at night or when renter’s go out for the day. Bathrooms are mostly communal and often there are no kitchens, just electric portable burners. While living in these homes, renters usually have no privacy or natural light coming in. Most windows are away from where the cage homes are placed. Many of the cage homes are in older urban districts, such as, West Kowloon, Sham Shui Po and Mongkok. 

The mental and physical effects of living in a cage home are concerning. The people who live in these spaces are dealing with depression, anxiety and stress due to their financial situation and cramped living space. Although they live among others, they often feel isolated and alone. Hygiene is also a big issue when living in these confined spaces. Up to a dozen people share bathrooms and kitchen areas, which are at times both in one room. In addition, there are poor safety regulations due to the buildings’ age and the number of people living in these tight spaces. The inadequate fire protection is a big risk many face when choosing to live in constricted spaces like these. Renters often have to deal with the infestation of rodents, roaches and bed bugs, which in turn affects their sleep and adds to health issues. There is poor air quality and no ventilation systems, with summer temperatures making it unbearable. Some elderly people have described their lives in their cage homes as “waiting for death.”

The new coronavirus pandemic has made it extremely difficult to live in these confined spaces. The cage home inhabitants find it impossible to quarantine safely as they do not have any walls or personal space. Most of them have to wear masks to sleep in order to avoid contracting the virus from others in their room. Many who live in the cage homes used to escape their reality by spending the day in parks, librairies or jungle gyms, however the pandemic has forced all public areas to close. Now cage home dwellers pass the time by, napping, listening to music or watching TV. Volunteers visit the people living in these spaces and bring food to donate, while also spending time with the residents to ease their loneliness.

Panorama of Hong Kong. CC BY-NC 2.0

The reason for the rising costs in the housing market is Hong Kong’s dense population, in which only seven percent of the city’s land is used for residential living. The pace of land supply and creation has slowed down in recent years. With low supply and high demand for living space, Hong Kong’s housing prices have no chance to come down. Chief Executive of Hong Kong Carrie Lam has proposed a variety of measures to boost the number of homes in the residential market. Her plan includes an aggressive target to turn the remote northern part of the city into a “metropolis” for 2.5 million people, a project that will take decades to complete. In July, Director of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Xia Baolong set a city goal to eliminate its ‘infamously small apartments’ by 2049. This refers to less than 500 square foot apartments many residents live in. The Hong Kong government legally recognised cage homes, but did so under the label “bedspace apartments,” which are defined as “any flat in which there are 12 or more bed spaces occupied or intended to be occupied under rental agreements.” The United Nations has taken notice and calls the poor conditions present “an insult to human dignity”.

Jennifer Sung

Jennifer is a Communications Studies graduate based in Los Angeles. She grew up traveling with her dad and that is where her love for travel stems from. You can find her serving the community at her church, Fearless LA or planning her next trip overseas. She hopes to be involved in international humanitarian work one day.

Hong Kong Activist Group Forced to Delete Social Media

In order to comply with China’s recent national security law, a well-known pro-democracy group was ordered to scrub its online presence. 

A  2015 vigil for the 1989 Tiananmen Square Protests. VeryBusyPeople. CC BY-SA 2.0

In early September 2021, the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China, a well-known activist group in Hong Kong, received notices from officials to delete all online content to comply with the recent national security law. As a result, the group has closed its website as well as all social media pages, including their Facebook, Twitter and Youtube. The Hong Kong Alliance is most well known for hosting vigils for the 1989 Tiananmen Square student protests that resulted in hundreds of deaths. The protests in 1989 called for political and economic reform, and Chinese police responded violently and arrested tens of thousands of protesters. In addition, the group is known for advocating for democratic movements and does not hesitate to criticize the government online. Officials also used the national security law to arrest several leaders of the group who refused to provide information to police regarding the group’s funding and membership.

The security law went into effect on June 30, 2020, causing concerns that Hong Kong was losing its judiciary independence and other democratic freedoms such as freedom of speech and assembly. Under the initial 1997 agreement, when China gained control of Hong Kong from Britain, there was always supposed to be a national security law in Hong Kong. However, Hong Kong would retain a separate judiciary system. Hong Kong has previously had protests starting in 2019 in response to a law that allowed extradition to the mainland. The protests turned increasingly violent, and eventually, the extradition bill was withdrawn. The controversial security law criminalized succession, subversion of state power, terrorism and collusion with foreign entities. The law takes precedence over a local Hong Kong law, and a National Security Committee will be put in place with no local oversight. In addition, crimes considered to be serious national security threats will be tried on the mainland in Chinese courts, essentially a version of the extradition bill that was thrown out as a result of the 2019 protests. 

The Hong Kong Alliance was not the first group that faced the consequences of the recent security law. Shortly after the law was enacted in 2020, many people deleted their social media, and pro-democracy media outlets deleted old posts and entire archives. The Hong Kong alliance has restarted a Facebook page. Still, it is unclear how the group will be using social media in the future.

Dana Flynn

Dana is a recent graduate from Tufts University and holds a degree in English. While at Tufts she enjoyed working on a campus literary magazine and reading as much as possible. Originally from the Pacific Northwest, she loves to explore and learn new things.

Hong Kong’s Domestic Workers Demand to Be Treated Like Employees, Not Slaves

As COVID-19 exacerbates the discrimination and abuse that domestic workers in Hong Kong face on a daily basis, activists vigorously fight for their rights 

Domestic workers take to the streets. International Domestic Workers Federation. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Erwiana Sulistyaningsih knocked on her neighbor’s door at 2 a.m. She needed food. She was a domestic worker, or “helper,” in Hong Kong for Law Wan-tung, who rarely fed her. By Hong Kong law, helpers are required to live with their employers, so such abuse is not unheard of. Nor was forced starvation the full extent of this abuse. Law once shoved a metal vacuum cleaner tube into Sulistyaningsih’s mouth, causing her lip to bleed. Law even forced her to stand naked in the shower in the middle of the winter while she splashed water on her. That night at 2 a.m., her neighbors saw the result of months worth of abuse. 

Long a marginalized group, helpers fuel the economic engine of Hong Kong, completing domestic work so their employers can dedicate time to their careers, often in the lucrative financial sector. They shop, do laundry, help children with homework, cook meals, clean living spaces and do anything else their employers wish. While helpers are employed by both the middle and upper class and have a widespread presence in Hong Kong, they rarely have a voice in public policy debates. Because most helpers are migrants and ethnic minorities, they often endure discrimination and abuse because of their race and social class. 

A woman protesting helper abuse. International Domestic Workers Federation. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Helpers suffer in an economic system that leaves almost no space to be human. Minimum wage for helpers is $596 a month. Having employers provide food and housing is intended to compensate for this low pay, but the real consequence of living with their employers is that helpers are effectively on-call all day, every day. Although helpers are required to be given one full day off each week, many are made to work anyway to satisfy their employers. Hong Kong law requires employers to provide helpers with “suitable accommodation” and “reasonable privacy,” but many helpers are forced to sleep on cots behind thin, cloth partitions. Some sleep on the floor. 

A demonstration for helpers’ rights. International Domestic Workers Federation. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

COVID-19 further exacerbated the discimination which they face daily. In late April, the government ordered all 370,000 domestic workers in Hong Kong to take COVID-19 tests or get a vaccine, deeming them “high risk” due to their “mingling” with other migrant workers. However, they rescinded the vaccination requirement after public outcry in May, yet the testing requirement remained. This order prompted accusations of discrimination because it did not apply to migrant workers in white-collar positions or those who employ helpers. In fact, infection rates among helpers are lower than the Hong Kong average. Still, police and passers-by regularly harass people they suspect are helpers for not following COVID-19 guidelines, even if they are. 

In particular, the live-in law has caused concern among activists campaigning for the rights of domestic workers in Hong Kong. In 2020, 17% of helpers reported being physically abused, a 2% increase from 2019. Cases of rape and sexual abuse increased to 6%. An astonishing 98% of helpers say they have worked longer hours during the pandemic. This is only the continuation of a trend. A 2016 study found that one in six helpers experienced forced labor at some point in their careers. 

Demonstrators hold a flag from the Federation of Asian Domestic Workers Unions. International Domestic Workers Federation. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Erwiana Sulistyaningsih was only one of thousands to experience abuse as a helper. When she became so injured that she could no longer work, Law attempted to sneak her onto a plane to Indonesia, hiding her bruises with makeup and threatening to hurt her family if they were caught—they were. Law enforcement intercepted Law before she could do any more harm, and a Hong Kong court sentenced her to six years in prison. It was a major victory, not just for Sulistyaningsih but for all 370,000 helpers working in Hong Kong. 

One positive trend for helpers’ rights has been a more focused public spotlight on their situation, led by a dedicated group of activists documenting and addressing helpers’ concerns. Sulistyaningsih made Time Magazine’s 100 Most Powerful People in 2014 for telling the story of her abuse. Her case serves as a reminder of the abuse that continues to befall helpers, and of how far away justice remains. Law Wan-tung got out of prison early in 2018, but for Sulistyaningsih and countless other domestic workers, physical and mental scars still persist. 

Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Consider the Tofu: A (Tasty) History

This seemingly tasteless ingredient packs a punch in iconic dishes across Asia. 

Fry it, flip it, steam it, dessert-ify it—tofu’s your jack of all trades. Sherman Kwan. Unsplash. 

As a relatively tasteless food, tofu is a versatile ingredient that is present in many dishes across Asia. Tofu is centuries old. While the exact date is not known, historians believe that tofu was first used over 2,000 years ago in China. This humble dish made its debut in Japan, Korea, parts of Southeast Asia and eventually in Europe after 19th-century colonialism. In Buddhist societies, the production of tofu increased as it served as a convenient meat alternative. Molded from crushed soybeans, tofu is a flexible food that goes with nearly anything. Given its absorbent nature, tofu often tastes like the spices and flavors it has marinated in. Here are a few popular tofu dishes from across Asia: 

Mapo Tofu

This classic dish has roots in China’s Sichuan region. Mapo tofu is made with soft tofu and stir-fried with various chile peppers, black bean paste and ginger. If cooked properly, the sauce itself is a bright-red color laced with thin bubbles of oil. The dish can be topped off with scallions or minced meat if so desired.  

Stuff your tofu too; it’s gratifying. Qlinart. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. 

Crispy Shrimp Stuffed Tofu

In this Cantonese dish, tofu is stuffed with minced shrimp and deep-fried to crispiness. The tofu is first sliced and coated in cornstarch, then hollowed out to hold the filling. The dish is often paired with classic ingredients like Shaoxing wine, white pepper and sesame oil. These golden, bite-sized bricks can be garnished with scallions and can be dipped in a slightly sweet soy sauce. 

Stinky tofu is usually sold from open-air hawker stalls. Josephine Lim. CC BY-ND 2.0. 

Stinky Tofu

Tofu, when stinky, can also be a delectable treat. This smelly favorite can be found along the streets of China, Hong Kong and Taiwan. Stinky tofu is made from the fermented brine in which it has soaked for a few months. The mixture is usually made from fermented milk, vegetables or meat, but can also include other ingredients like dried shrimp and mustard greens. When ready, stinky tofu is commonly served deep-fried. Its bitter and salty flavor is best paired with garlic, soy sauce or chile sauce. 

Steaming, savory miso soup for any occasion. Jude Masti. CC BY 2.0. 

Miso Soup 

Miso is a fermented paste with origins in Japanese cuisine. This concoction is produced by pickling soybeans with salt and other ingredients such as barley or seaweed. Miso is usually consumed as soup, and one of the main condiments is tofu. The tofu’s porous texture absorbs the umami saltiness of the miso and makes for a hearty, satisfying meal. It can be paired with clean white rice, mushrooms and even eggplants. 

An edible lunch packed in a pouch. David Theduy Nguyen. CC BY-NC 2.0. 

Inari Sushi 

Tofu can even be incorporated into sushi. Inari sushi was first introduced to Japan during the 18th century. It first started off as offering food for fox-god temples scattered about the islands. Over time, Inari sushi became a staple option on kitchen tables. Inari sushi is a simpler style of sushi made with sweetened rice packed in tofu pouches. The tofu skin itself is pre-seasoned and deep-fried. The side can be topped off with sesame seeds and paired with vinegar and soy sauce for a uniquely sweet finish. 

Best served piping hot. Republic of Korea. CC BY-SA 2.0. 

Sundubu-jjigae  

Also written as “soondubu,” this Korean dish is a soft tofu stew made with silken, curdled tofu served in a piping hot pot.  Sundubu-jjigae is usually prepared spicy and can be cooked in seafood or meat broth. As the dish is bubbling, a whole egg is cracked into the mix and served almost immediately. Sundubu-jjigae is a popular Korean staple and is usually complemented with a bowl of rice and various “banchan” like kimchi, gamja jorim (sweetened braised potatoes) and salted cucumbers.   

Cleanse your palate with a sweet tofu finish. Boyu Wang. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. 

Tofu Pudding

Dau hu nuoc duong. Taho. Douhua. However it’s called, tofu can also be consumed as a dessert. Tofu pudding can be found in countries like Vietnam, the Philippines, and China and takes on regional preferences. It is often paired with sweeteners like ginger syrup and brown sugar. Depending on the location, tofu pudding can also be served with peanut and strawberry. 

Tofu is timeless. Devi Puspita Amartha Yahya. Unsplash.

The Future of Tofu

While tofu has a stronghold in Asian cuisines, this humble ingredient continues to change and evolve across the world. As consumers look for more sustainable alternatives, tofu stands as a ready-made, centuries-old option. Not only is it healthier, but tofu is also a flexible and equally tasty substitute for meats and other high-cholesterol foods. Despite its unassuming nature, tofu has proven its timelessness. 

Rhiannon Koh

Rhiannon earned her B.A. in Urban Studies & Planning from UC San Diego. Her honors thesis was a speculative fiction piece exploring the aspects of surveillance technology, climate change, and the future of urbanized humanity. She is committed to expanding the stories we tell.

Is There Hope for a Hong Kong Revolution?

Hong Kong may seem like an unlikely place for a revolution. In this relatively affluent and privileged city, young people might be expected to be more concerned with making money than with protesting in the streets. Yet day after day, demonstrators in Hong Kong risk injury and death confronting security forces backed by the massive power of the Chinese government.

Among their demands are democratic elections for the city’s Legislative Council and chief executive. Their desire for fundamental change has mounted, and they increasingly see their own lives as lacking meaning unless circumstances change.

Historians have long argued that revolutions are built not on deep misery but on rising expectations. Since the 18th century, societies, clubs and associations of intellectuals have been seedbeds of radical change in countries throughout the world. They provided leadership for the French Revolution in 1789, the European revolutions of 1848 and the Russian Revolution of 1905.

The situation in Hong Kong is revolutionary, too, although the history of past revolutions may not provide much hope of immediate change.

A view of the Hungarian Revolution before the Soviet tanks rolled in. Gabor B. Racz/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

A look at Hungary

The most compelling parallel to Hong Kong may be the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, which attempted to wrest power from a communist regime. It, too, began with a student uprising in favor of democratic elections.

Within a few days, the communist government resigned and a reformist administration was formed under Imre Nagy, who allowed noncommunists to enter political office. This went too far for communist leaders in the Soviet Union. The USSR invaded Hungary, overthrew Nagy’s regime and secretly put him to death.

As with the Hong Kong protests today, the United States gave little official support to the Hungarian Revolution and was unwilling to offer material assistance. Keeping peace in Europe was of vital importance to U.S. policy in 1956, just as good relations with China are now central.

The Hungarian example may provide little solace to the Hong Kong protesters – except, perhaps, if they consider its long-term consequences.

In October 1989, with Soviet influence in Eastern Europe collapsing, the democratic Republic of Hungary was declared on the 33rd anniversary of the 1956 revolution. Those who died during that revolution are now remembered as martyrs.

A contemporary print depicting the battle at the Ta-ping gate at Nanking, part of China’s Revolution of 1911. T. Miyano, Wellcome Library/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

In China’s own history

Chinese history supplies a more heartening example of a successful student-led uprising: the Revolution of 1911. It was fomented by young men returning from study abroad, who formed political societies to “revive” their country, often disguised as literary discussion groups.

The 1911 Revolution mobilized networks of intellectuals and students throughout China, but it also drew on other social groups: military officers, merchants, coal miners and farmers. The revolution erupted in many parts of China simultaneously and had various outcomes, from utter failure, to the massacre of ethnic Manchus to declarations of Mongol and Tibetan independence. A provisional government emerged by the end of the year in Nanjing.

The Hong Kong protests, however, are too limited in geographical scope and social support to repeat the success of the 1911 revolutionaries.

The subsequent Chinese revolution in 1949, like the 1917 Russian Revolution, followed Leninist theory and was spearheaded by professional party insiders, not by intellectuals. The communists regarded mass protests as potentially counter-revolutionary and as threats to the new order.

On June 5, 1989, a Chinese man stood alone to block a line of tanks in Tiananmen Square. AP Photo/Jeff Widener

What’s next?

The young protestors in Hong Kong seek to avoid the fate of the student demonstrators of Tiananmen Square in spring 1989. Three decades ago, hundreds, perhaps thousands, of protesters were massacred after the communist government invoked martial law. The pro-democracy agenda of the Tiananmen protesters was vague, and they relied on reformers within the party apparatus, who finally betrayed them.

The Hong Kong crowds are focused on specific changes and lack illusions about the party. They will go down fighting desperately, not standing with faint hope in front of tanks. That may give pause to the forces of repression. As the Communist Party of China and any student of history knows, martyrs are the fuel of future revolutions.

Paul Monod is a Professor of History at Middlebury College

THIS ARTICLE WAS ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED ON THE CONVERSATION

Escalations in Violence in Hong Kong Could Prove Perilous to Human Rights

“A protestor wearing a Guy Fawkes mask in October 2019.” Honcques Laus. CC0.

Demonstrators have seemed to reach a stalemate against the government of Hong Kong, which refuses to accede to the demands of the protesters. Given the rapid escalations in violence and the willingness of the police to employ excessive force, a stalemate could have serious consequences for the state of human rights in Hong Kong.

Protests in Hong Kong began in late April 2019, in reaction to the raising of an extradition bill, which would have permitted the extradition of citizens of Hong Kong to mainland China. Pro-democracy protesters see the extradition bill as a significant acquiescence of Hong Konger’s sovereignty to mainland China, as Hong Kong remains a territory not technically under the direct purview of the Chinese government. The specific worry is that Beijing would use the extradition bill to suppress the growing pro-democracy sentiment among younger generations of Hong-Kongers by demanding that Hong Kong hand over its activists and successful con-China politicians. They represent a movement that has been developing since the late 1990s, focused on maintaining Hong Kong’s distance in relation to the Central People’s Republic in Beijing, with the eventual aim of bringing fully-democratic elections to Hong Kong. 

Presently, the citizens of Hong Kong are allowed free speech and rights to free assembly and association, as outlined in the Basic Law. The government and election structure of Hong Kong is quasi-representative. There are 1,200 electors who ostensibly select officials: representatives of various economic sectors, business interests, and the affluent of Hong Kong. However, the central mainland government exercises a great deal of control over the political proceedings of Hong Kong; the incumbent Chief Executive Carrie Lam was openly favored by China’s President, Xi Jinping. While the extradition bill was removed from the table following the outbreak of protests, the potential for democracy in Hong Kong seems to hang in the balance, as demonstrated in Executive Lam’s unwillingness to accede to the demands of the protesters, and in Beijing’s continued support for Lam. 

The protestors have issued a list of demands beyond the reneging of the proposed extradition bill, repealed in September, that includes investigation into police actions as well as amnesty for protesters in custody, complete universal suffrage, and Lam’s withdrawal from her post as Chief Executive of Hong Kong. The government of Hong Kong has issued a hardline stance, supported explicitly by Xi Jinping and the Central People’s Republic. In her refusal to acquiesce to demands, Lam pushes the protests in Hong Kong towards a path of greater uncertainty; given the perseverance demonstrated by the protesters, it seems that the situation will only continue to escalate. 

Consequently, the first weeks of November have seen significant escalations in the protests in Hong Kong: on November 7th, a university student died after he fell from the top of a parking deck during a skirmish with the police. Monday November 11th saw major instances of violence, in which a police officer shot a protester at close range, and a pro-China counter-protester was set on fire by a group of demonstrators. Protesters and police alike have exhibited violent tactics since the inception of the protests. Police have not shied away from tear gas and rubber bullets, as well as employing excessive physical force towards protesters and members of the press. Demonstrators have also used tactics such as vandalism and violence against those believed to be pro-China. 

However, equating police violence with the actions of the protesters carries dangerous human rights implications; the police act from a privileged position because of the backing they receive from both the government of Hong Kong as well as that of mainland China. The protesters have only the solidarity they experience among one another. Violence by protesters is the impetus of an individual working in conjunction with other individuals; excessive force against protesters by the police is a hit by the state in its entirety. 

In this way, escalating patterns of police violence prove pernicious, because they undermine the human rights of Hong Kongers, and breed complications for a hypothetical future peace process. Instances of excessive violence towards the press prove especially destabilizing, because the suppression of information perpetuates the murkiness that allows the police to continue to carry out extreme, and in many cases illegal acts of retribution against demonstrators. As it stands, the violence in Hong Kong will only continue its escalation should the government of Hong Kong maintain its staunch refusal of concessions. A stalemate could have alarming consequences for the state of human rights in Hong Kong, as the police have already turned to violent tactics involving excessive uses of force, and the demonstrators have, in turn, only increased their fervor in furthering their demands.

HALLIE GRIFFITHS is an undergraduate at the University of Virginia studying Foreign Affairs and Spanish. After graduation, she hopes to apply her passion for travel and social action toward a career in intelligence and policy analysis. Outside of the classroom, she can be found, quite literally, outside: backpacking, rock climbing, or skiing with her friends.

In Hong Kong Protests, Technology Serves as a Tool of Both Expression and Repression

While activists have used the internet as a powerful organizing tool, web coverage on the Chinese mainland is defined by mass blackouts and systematic silencing.

Protesters in Hong Kong. Studio Incendo. CC BY 2.0

The most widely attended protest in recent American memory, the Women’s March, brought about 1 percent of the population onto the streets. Last month’s protests in Hong Kong brought 25 percent.

By any standards, the anti-extradition campaign in Hong Kong, spurred by a proposed China-backed amendment that would allow for the extradition of Hong Kongers to mainland China, was an astronomical success, engaging huge swathes of the population and eventually leading to the death of the proposal. Images of the demonstration depict unfathomable numbers of citizens exercising their right to peaceful protests, but something remains invisible in those photos: the constantly active, multilayered and multifaceted presence of the internet, which—through messaging apps, social media, and LIHKG (Hong Kong’s answer to Reddit)—allowed protestors to turn ideology into concrete action.

On June 12, the protest reached a milestone when tens of thousands of citizens surrounded the Hong Kong legislative building, spurring an initial suspension of the bill. In order to mobilize without attracting unwanted attention, activists created online events inviting people to a “picnic” in nearby Tamar Park, a cover-up for their actual intentions. Messaging services, too, helped with planning efforts. Particularly popular was the encrypted app Telegram—although the arrest of Ivan Ip for “conspiracy to commit a public nuisance” set efforts back, given that Ip was leading a group on the platform of 30,000 users. Still, Ip’s group was far from the only one: In a Baptist University poll of protestors, more than half of respondents reported using Telegram for broadcasting information and participating in discussion groups.

Protestors in the streets. Etan Liam. CC BY-ND 2.0

The survey also revealed the protestors’ widespread use of LIHKG, which lived up to its reputation of supporting free speech by subtly assisting activist efforts: Administrators removed ads from their site for about two weeks in June to shorten loading time and upped the number of replies allowed on some threads from 1,001 to 5,001, citing a need “for more convenient discussions.”

For protestors, the utility of social media and messaging platforms was far from over once planning progressed into action. During the demonstration on June 12, attendees broadcast real-time updates through countless Instagram stories and an hour-long livestream on the Twitter-owned service Periscope. In addition to spreading the word to Hong Kongers not attending the demonstration, protestors were able to communicate amongst themselves, using apps to request supplies, share the locations of food and water stations, and disseminate hand signals that would allow for discreet communication. Technical difficulties, however, thwarted efforts to some degree: Poor mobile signals made accessing the internet a challenge and threatened to spur chaos. “Without Telegram and WhatsApp, people did not know what they had to do,” Laura, 18, a student who volunteered as a first-aid staffer, told the South China Morning Post. 

Holding a sign that reads “kids are not rioters.” Etan Liam. CC BY-ND 2.0

Limited connectivity was not the only tech-related hurdle facing protesters. Tech-savvy activists cautioned against using public Wi-Fi or swiping their Octopus public transit card, actions that could put users at risk of having their personal information picked up and employed to incriminate them. And protestors made sure to turn off Face ID and fingerprint ID on their phones so that police could not unlock their devices without consent, as well as enabling encryption on apps where it was not already automatic.


Across the border in China, however, such internet-driven activism would have been impossible. Hong Kongers have the privilege of a much more open internet—a dichotomy that has manifested starkly in mainland media coverage of the protests. As part of the mass censorship and limited access that has long defined the Chinese internet and that is sometimes dubbed the “Great Firewall of China,” the Communist Party has enacted a total blackout on protest coverage in newspapers and on TV, with television screens simply going dark when foreign news outlets show images of the demonstrations. Video footage of Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam apologizing for her attempt to push through the extradition law never lasted long on social media, as censors would immediately delete the content each time it was reuploaded. And even a song that activists sang during the protests, “Can You Hear the People Sing” from “Les Miserables,” was inexplicably missing from QQ, a popular musical streaming site.

Protestors filled the streets on June 16. Etan Liam. CC BY-ND 2.0

On social media platforms like WeChat and Weibo, users devised strategies to get around the firewall, like distorting images of the protests or blocking parts of the image with giant smiley-face logos. In some cases, however, China’s tech power was simply too strong: Telegram reported on June 12 that it was experiencing a distributed denial of service (DDoS) attack, which means that a number of computers were attempting to overload its servers with bogus requests, resulting in service slowdowns or outages. Telegram’s CEO, Pavel Durov, said that the IP addresses behind the attack were coming mainly from China, potentially suggesting a concerted effort by authorities.

By systematically silencing the voices of activists, China is able to spread its own narrative of the protests, which it portrays as violent events provoked by foreign elements amining to undermine Hong Kong and the “one country, two systems” policy. The policy was formulated in the 1980s for the reunification of China by Paramount Leader of the People’s Republic of China Deng Xiaoping; in the interest of furthering Hong Kong’s status as a global financial center, it guarantees freedom of speech and protest for citizens. Yet Hong Kongers have long feared an erosion of their autonomy, a concern that most recently boiled over in the form of the 2014 Umbrella Movement, during which streets in the city’s business district were flooded by demonstrators for nearly three months. Throughout that time, mainland China busily erased all mention and images of the protests from its internet.

Protesters were unsatisfied by the original postponement of the bill. Etan Liam. CC BY-ND 2.0

On July 8, Lam publicly stated that the bill was finally dead, describing the proposed amendment as a “total failure.” Yet Hong Kongers were not entirely satisfied, as questions remain about whether Lam will officially withdraw the bill or whether it might be revived in future. Either way, the anti-extradition movement of 2019 will stand as a landmark protest for the digital age: one whose scale and power could have only coalesced in an era of instant connectivity, and one that throws into stark relief the power of technology—for expression and repression alike.


TALYA PHELPS hails from the wilds of upstate New York, but dreams of exploring the globe. As former editor-in-chief at the student newspaper of her alma mater, Vassar College, and the daughter of a journalist, she hopes to follow her passion for writing and editing for many years to come. Contact her if you're looking for a spirited debate on the merits of the em dash vs. the hyphen.

5 Cities That Are Leaders in Sustainable Public Transportation Initiatives

The World Economic Forum released its most recent Sustainable Cities Mobility Index, which ranks some of the globe’s largest metropolises based on both the viability of transport and its relative footprint.

The Index measures factors such as connectedness via public transport, including metros and buses, as well as pedestrian accessibility, ease of use by cyclists, among others. What unites each of the five cities featured here seems to be the overall strategy of incentivizing use of public transport, while disincentivizing the tendency to commute by automobile. In this way, public transportation systems trade on efficiency: by running frequently, integrating renewable energy sources, and maximizing often-limited physical space in the crowded cities, the public transport strategies of each of the cities listed have served to reduce car emissions significantly. 

  1. HONG KONG. Named number one on the sustainable mobility index, Hong Kong has constructed an impressive MTR metro system, which is responsible for 90% of residents’ daily journeys. Likewise, the cost of transport in Hong Kong has remained relatively low, permitting accessibility to all residents, further disincentivizing travel by car. In fact, due in large degree to the success of the public transportation system, less than 20% of residents of Hong Kong own a car. 

  2. ZURICH. At number two on the list, Zurich has demonstrated a great deal of success minimizing transportation by car, with just 37% of the population owning a car, as well as a little over a quarter of journeys measured occurring by car. The majority of public transportation in Zurich occurs by high-speed light rail, a system widely recognized to be one of the most energy- and space-efficient modes of public transport.

  3. PARIS. In 2012, Paris pledged to reduce travel emissions by 60% within the most populated areas of its city, introducing more networks of pedestrian walkways and bike paths, incentivizing the use of bicycles and electric cars through two new city rental systems, as well as altering delivery systems such that it limits the number of diesel-fueled vehicles driving through the city each day. Parisian city officials have also been working to initiate regular “car-free” days, as well as other measures that promote alternative forms of transport.

  4. SEOUL. Throughout the past decade, Seoul has pioneered a significant number of innovations that promote sustainable mobility. An inefficient highway system has been repurposed to become a large public park with an extensive network of pedestrian causeways. Moreover, Seoul has employed specified bus lanes, which have increased by nearly one million the number of citizens who use the public transport system each day, as opposed to driving. The significantly greater efficiency of public transportation, as well as the ease of access afforded to pedestrian traffic has cut down greatly on the number of citizens commuting by car, one of the most inefficient and least sustainable modes of travel. 

  5. PRAGUE. Prague has undertaken the “Tune Up Prague” initiative, just one of a series of sustainable transportation proposals enacted under the 2015 Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan. The “tune up” has focused on increasing foot and bicycle travel through the facilitation of pedestrian pathways. The proposal has also worked to bring accessible, sustainable transportation to all, seeking to bump up the amount of wheelchair-accessible metro stations by 23%, such that 95% of the city’s metro stations are wheelchair-accessible.

In integrating energy and space-efficient public transport with initiatives that promote pedestrian and cyclist travel, the five cities listed above have developed transportation networks that are both accessible and sustainable. Incentivizing public transport increases a city’s ability to experiment with “greener” travel, while simultaneously reducing automobile emissions. The ingenuity of each of the five metropolises provides a crucial example for other major cities, working towards a more sustainable, more connected future. 

Hallie Griffiths

Hallie is an undergraduate at the University of Virginia studying Foreign Affairs and Spanish. After graduation, she hopes to apply her passion for travel and social action toward a career in intelligence and policy analysis. Outside of the classroom, she can be found, quite literally, outside: backpacking, rock climbing, or skiing with her friends.