The Story of Willie Kimani: Police Brutality in Kenya

The story of human rights lawyer Willie Kimani’s murder by police officers has sparked a larger conversation about police brutality in Kenya.

Rally against police brutality. Wa-J. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

Willie Kimani, a 32-year-old human rights lawyer, was brutally murdered by police alongside his client Josephat Mwenda and their taxi driver in 2016. All three men had their bodies disposed in the Ol-Donyo Sabuk River outside the capital of Kenya by police officers who found themselves in the crosshairs of Mwenda’s litigation. Police officers Fredrick Leliman, Stephen Cheburet, Sylvia Wanjiku and police informant Peter Ngugi were all found guilty this year of the murders, a whopping six years after the crime.

Mwenda accused officer Fredrick Leliman of shooting him at a traffic stop in 2015, BBC reports. Kimani had been working for the International Justice Mission (IJM) when he picked up Mwenda’s case, IJM being an organization dedicated to punishing human rights violations through litigation. 

Police officers in front of Kenyan station. JRandomF. CC BY-NC 2.0.

Officer Leliman started threatening Kimani and Mwenda during the proceedings of the case in 2016 and had even detained Kimani and Mwenda, after court appearances for fabricated reasons. The detainments were an abuse of power, and though Kimani and Mwenda were released, they were not protected against the wrath of the Kenyan police force for much longer. The murders of Mwenda and Kimani occured shortly after in June.  

Peter Ngugi, the police informant, stated in court that after they committed the crime, Leliman hosted Ngugi and the police officers for “beer and 5kg of fried beef”, at a bar in Mlolongo to celebrate. 

The case of Willie Kimani sparked outrage in Kenya. Protests formed over the murders, even leading a mob of angry citizens to burn the police station that employed the officers responsible. 

Police medal ceremony. AMISOM Public Information. CC0 1.0.

But this is not the first big tragedy at the hands of Kenyan police. During the pandemic, police officers in Kenya had been said to beat and kill civilians just for breaking curfew. In 2017, a boy no older than 16 was shot and killed after surrendering to police officers. NPR reports that although the young boy pleaded for his life, a police officer shot him twice. 

Stories like Willie Kimani’s murder have ignited demands for police reform, but due to the overtly oppressive nature of the Kenyan police, many who protest fear for their lives. In a country where you need to plead to be arrested rather than killed, it takes bravery to stand up and fight for what is just. Extrajudicial killings occur often in Kenya; in 2020, Missing Voices Kenya reported that “police killed or disappeared 167 people”. 

Many countries struggle with police brutality and the systems in place that perpetuate such abuses of power. In Kenya, many think the violence is a result of colonial influence on structures of policing policy. After Kenya gained independence, influences on the police force were already hardened into place. 

During the colonization of Kenya, British imperialists created a bifurcated policing force in Kenya based on settlement segregation. Because white colonizers lived separately from Kenya’s native people, certain Kenyans were given policing power over other natives in their area. In martial-law structures such as the Home Guard, these officers were given authority over their own people.

These police forces, however, lacked basic structure, and officers had few limitations to their power. After Kenya’s independence, the lack of structure and rules created systemic issues for future police forces. Foundationally, policing was enacted on the grounds of violence, of oppressive force and of hierarchical power disparities that related to inherent class structures between colonizers and the colonized. A structure without limitations on violent policing led to modern-day overt shows of power and cops who, as Sapiens puts it, “operate outside formal avenues of accountability”.

The history of Kenyan policing, the colonial influence on the structure and the systemic issues that weaken the foundation of policing are all problems being debated globally today. Kenya still sees the effects of colonialism in the practices of its police officers. However, protests in Kenya still occur in the face of likely consequences, and the Kenyan people fight to ensure a greater future for those like Kimani and Mwenda. 

To Get Involved

Organizations like Article19 help protect the rights of Kenyans to protest, even against the oppressive forces of the police. In their #FreetoProtest campaign, Article19 fights hard to ensure that protesters in Kenya are free to practice their human right to protest in the face of violent police retaliation. To learn more about their mission and campaign, click here.

Willie Kimani worked for the International Justice Mission (IJM), a legal organization that works to fight human rights violations across the globe. They actively fight against police brutality and killings at the hands of law enforcement. To learn more about the work IJM does to fight police brutality, or to donate to their organization, click here.

Ava Mamary

Ava is an undergraduate student at the University of Illinois, double majoring in English and Communications. At school, she Web Writes about music for a student-run radio station. She is also an avid backpacker, which is where her passion for travel and the outdoors comes from. She is very passionate about social justice issues, specifically those involving women’s rights, and is excited to write content about social action across the globe. 

Police Brutality Increases Amidst Protests In Columbia

Colombia’s police brutality, economic inequality, unemployment and poor public services have been brought into the spotlight after the April 28 protests against a proposed nationwide tax increase. 

 Protesters holding a sign that says “if they keep killing us, we’ll keep marching.” Ox.ap. CC BY 2.0

 The COVID-19 pandemic has taken a severe social and economic toll on Colombia; with more than 101,000 deaths and 5 million jobs temporarily affected, Colombia recorded it’s largest recession on record. With many Colombians struggling to find work, the concept of the proposed tax change by the government was immediately protested, later withdrawn by the government after a few days of protest.

 The proposed tax increase would have affected anyone making more than $656 a month, and President Iván Duque initially insisted that the tax was needed to fix the country’s economy. After the protests caused deaths, however, he asked the Congress to withdraw the proposed law and created a new law to avoid financial uncertainty. The protests ignited civil unrest that lasted after the withdrawal of the tax increase. On June 15, organizers said that they are temporarily suspending the weekly Wednesday protests.

The earlier protests highlighted the  excess of police brutality in Colombia. More than 1,100 protesters and bystanders have been injured since April 28, and the total number is most likely higher as many cases have not been reported to authorities. Human Rights Watch confirmed 34 deaths, including 2 police officers and 31 demonstrators or bystanders, 20 of whom appeared to be murdered by the police.

The Independent Forensic Expert Group of the International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims, an international group of forensic experts, explained that live ammunition was used on individuals, causing deaths. Also, IRCTV concluded that tear gas and kinetic impact projectiles are being misused, causing death and severe injury including blunt trauma to eyes.

More specifically, at least 16 protesters or bystanders died from live ammunition of police firearms, at least one other victim died from beatings and three others from inappropriate or excessive use of teargas or flash bangs. Additionally, there were 9 cases of severe eye injuries from either teargas cartridges, stun grenades, or kinetic impact projectiles fired from riot guns. Human Rights Watch, also stated, “Victims included journalists and human rights defenders who were covering the protest, including some who wore vests identifying them as such.”

Furthermore, on May 14, the Ombudsperson’s Office reported 2 cases of rape, 14 cases of sexual assault and 71 other cases of gender-based violence by police officers.. Two cases of sexual violence by police officers against protesters were documented by Human Rights Watch. 

In November 2016, the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia reached a peace accord after a 52-year armed conflict, demobilizing the country’s then-largest armed group. Protection of human rights defenders through specific initiatives was a part of the agreement. As seen with these recent protests, however, the agreement has not been held to the highest accountability. Conflict-related violence has displaced more than 8.2 million Colombians since 1985. 

On June 6, President Iván Duque stated that the government would take steps to “transform” the police. The protests continued from the end April untill mid-June; National strike committee spokesman Francicso Maltes said to Al Jazeera that the umbrella of workers unions, student organizations and others decided to “temporarily” pause the Wednesday protests. However, Maltes also stated, “Protest in Colombia will continue because the reasons behind it are still there.”

Unions and business associations will draft bills to share with Congress when it begins a new session on July 20—a protest is expected on that day, stated  Maltes. “We hope that Congress, and lawmakers, do not fail Colombians like President Ivan Duque has,” said Maltes.

Kyla Denisevich

Kyla is an upcoming senior at Boston University, and is majoring in Journalism with a minor in Anthropology. She writes articles for the Daily Free Press at BU and a local paper in Malden, Massachusetts called Urban Media Arts. Pursuing journalism is her passion, and she aims to highlight stories from people of all walks of life to encourage productive, educated conversation. In the future, Kyla hopes to create well researched multimedia stories which emphasize under-recognized narratives.

China Weaponizes Tourism to Erase Uyghur Culture

8,000 Uyghur mosques have been destroyed, and cafes and bars have taken their place, as China’s Han majority ethnic group flock to Xinjiang for its natural beauty. Mosques left standing have become museums catering to Han visitors, and religious pilgrims are turned away.

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London’s Mayor Promises Police Reform After Months of Unrest

In London, Mayor Sadiq Khan promises police reform after months of Black Lives Matter protests. By committing to hiring diverse police officers, Khan sets the precedent for other major cities to follow. 

The Metropolitan Police Service at Trafalgar Square in London. CGP Grey. CC BY 2.0.

On Nov. 13, the mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, announced that by 2022, at least 40% of new recruits will be from minority backgrounds. Like many police forces around the world, London’s police have come under criticism in the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests that began in the United States. London’s action in reforming its police force sets the precedent for other communities to follow. 

The Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) is Britain’s largest police force. Also known as Scotland Yard and colloquially called the Met, MPS employs over 44,000 police officers and receives over 25% of the police budget for England and Wales. Along with most other police forces, the Met has come under criticism in the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests and demands for police brutality reform. London’s record with police brutality is quite different than that of America’s, but it and racial inequality are still common across the United Kingdom. In the U.K., Black people are more than nine times more likely to be stopped and searched by the police than White people. Though people of color make up 13% of the population in England and Wales, 48% of minors in custody belong to the group. 

While London is an incredibly diverse city, in 2017 an overwhelming 87% of MPS officers were White, with just 13.3% of officers identifying as Black and Minority Ethnic. These statistics have come under fire recently, with Black Lives Matter protesters taking to the streets of London demanding reform. Protesters turned out in thousands throughout the summer of 2020, with protest numbers spiking after Prime Minister Boris Johnson declared the U.K. as “not a racist country” and designating protesters’ behavior as “thuggery.” 

Mayor of London Sadiq Khan. Steve Punter. CC BY 2.0. 

Despite Prime Minister Johnson’s wavering views toward protests, the mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, acknowledged the institutional racism that he believes inflicts the country. In a statement from the mayor’s office, Khan said: “To the thousands of Londoners who protested peacefully today: I stand with you and I share your anger and your pain. George Floyd’s brutal killing must be a catalyst for change worldwide. No country, city, police service or institution can absolve itself of the responsibility to do better. We must stand together and root out racism wherever it is found. Black Lives Matter.” Khan’s acknowledgment of racism and discrimination is groundbreaking compared to American political leaders’ relative lack of action regarding this issue. 

On Nov. 13, Sadiq Khan announced that by 2022, at least 40% of new recruits in the MPS will be from minority backgrounds. Metropolitan Police Commissioner Cressida Dick released a rare public statement acknowledging that the Met “is not free of discrimination, racism or bias.” Commissioner Dick also announced that her “job is to continue to try to eliminate any such racism and discrimination, however it appears.” London’s active anti-racist stance will set the precedent for other communities and cities to follow. This commitment to diversity is evidence of tangible and long-lasting change within potentially racist institutions. 

Sarah Leidich

Sarah is currently an English and Film major at Barnard College of Columbia University. Sarah is inspired by global art in every form, and hopes to explore the intersection of activism, art, and storytelling through her writing.





Fight for Civil Liberties Doesn't Stop for a Pandemic in Chile

Despite unrest in Chile, feminist group Las Tesis continues to advocate for justice against police brutality and sexual violence toward women in Latin America.

Translation: “Systemic violence is the worst crime.” John Englart. CC BY-SA 2.0

Last year, Chilean feminist group Las Tesis released “Un Violador en Tu Camino” (“A Rapist in Your Path”), a song that became an anthem against sexual violence worldwide. The piece, which calls out the judicial system and the struggle of women across Latin America, has been performed all around the world in the form of flash mobs. Many who participate wear black blindfolds and green scarves to advocate for legal abortion practices as well.

The song first was created in light of the social inequality protests occurring in Chile in November 2019. The lyrics call out the unfair treatment of the Chilean government toward women. It says that a narrative is being written where women are to blame for sexual violence. Yet, the song places blame on the patriarchy, police and government systems for being blind to this ongoing violence.

According to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, Chile is considered one of the world’s most unequal countries and is susceptible to climate change. Chile is also considered to have one of the highest costs of living across South America. While the rich prosper from their investments in terms of development, the poor communities and Indigenous people suffer at the hands of urbanization.

Feminist sign in Chile which translates to “the feminist struggle is also against neoliberalism.” John Englart. CC BY-SA 2.0.

Many Chileans consider themselves “at war against a powerful enemy.” Rather than succumbing to the protesters’ demands, President Pinera declared a state of emergency that involved the deployment of the military to control crowds and the institution of a curfew. These measures have caused a sharp decline in protests like Las Tesis’.

International attention has focused on the treatment of protesters, with allegations of human rights violations. For instance, there have been claims that protesters may have been tortured, resulting in at least 19 deaths and 20 people being reported missing. Additionally, there has been a 15% increase in sexual violence reports since last year.

However, on June 12, the police filed a lawsuit against Las Tesis. In the lawsuit, police claim that the feminist group encourages violence against officers of Chile’s national police force, Carabineros de Chile. Charges came after the release of “Manifesto Against Police Violence,” a video produced alongside Russia’s Pussy Riot where protesters stood outside of a police station and demanded to “fire the police.” Chilean police took the video as threats against officers, but no papers have been officially served yet to the feminist group.

Daffne Valdes, one of the founders of Las Tesis, said in an interview with Al-Jazeera that “this is an attack on freedom of expression,” calling it a form of censorship. Even though in both the song and video by Las Tesis the police are called out as “rapists,” group members say they are simply referring to the corruption seen throughout Chile’s police system.

Eva Ashbaugh

is a Political Science and Gender, Sexuality, and Women's Studies double major at the University of Pittsburgh. As a political science major concentrating on International Relations, she is passionate about human rights, foreign policy, and fighting for equality. She hopes to one day travel and help educate people to make the world a better place.