India’s Silk Industry: A Hub For Modern Slavery

Despite global efforts to eliminate the practice, modern-day slavery still widely exists. In India, the silk industry continues to serve as an oppressive stronghold for the practice. 

Indian workers. Photo by Sujeeth Potla on Unsplash

The silk industry in India is not to be underestimated; it employs hundreds of thousands of workers and is worth over $3.6 billion annually. However, as with many booming industries, a dark side lingers in the background. In southwest India lies Karnataka state, a hub for many of the nation’s age-old industries including silk production. Although justly paid workers exist, a sizable portion remain stuck in a taxing system known as “bonded labor.” 

What is “Bonded Labor”?

Although not explicitly mentioned in the phrase, “bonded labor” is actually a form of modern-day slavery. Bonded labor is when someone is forced to work off an imposed debt, where their captivity is known as “debt bondage.” In this system, the victims are often promised employment or an opportunity they cannot afford to refuse, and are then forcefully kept as workers. Their pay is usually minuscule compared to the debt amassed, and as a result, the employers are able to continually pile on debt over time. The dynamic transitions from employer-employee to that of a master and a slave. 

Additionally, the work is often arduous and the masters are even more unrelentingly brutal; abuse is commonplace in the system. As a result, many families attempt to escape, only to find that the support system for a successful departure is at best a bare-bones operation if not entirely absent. Many authorities who are meant to help these victims escape partner instead with the perpetrators; corruption bleeds away most hope of an escape.

However, one way out does exist. Victims are able to apply for a certificate of release, which would trigger an investigation to either approve or deny the request. Frequently these attempts fall through, often due to failure on the part of the authorities. 

Although the use of bonded labor remains widespread, it is most extensively used in South and Southeast Asia. Oftentimes debt laborers work off family debts, held hostage due to a loan taken by their parents or grandparents. 

How Did Bonded Labor Spread in India?

Bonded labor has been illegal in India since the Bonded Labor System Act of 1976, but this law failed to provide substantial change. It is estimated that over 8 million bonded laborers still exist in India, with experts fearing this statistic to be a gross underestimation. Rarely are those found guilty of violating the Bonded Labor System Act forced to serve out their punishment. 

Many human rights groups have pooled their efforts to research the extent of the system’s damage. What was found revealed grotesque physical, emotional and verbal abuse of children forced into bonded labor in the silk industry. Children of all ages, even as little as 5, were found to work 12-hour days nearly every day of the week; they do not attend school. Their work included placing their hands in boiling water and breathing in lung-blackening fumes; the children are not provided health care either, and often succumb to injuries. 

Human rights groups have stated that the Indian government is fully aware of this ongoing crime, yet fails to act on the victims’ behalf. It seems that corruption, combined with the consequences of the restrictive caste system, has left little hope for the estimated 350,000 children held in the silk industry’s bonded labor system. 

In the early 1990s, human rights groups sparked global outrage about the situation of India’s children, causing  the government to act. The Indian Supreme Court passed additional laws in 1996 to protect children in harmful workspaces, yet the government has failed to bring about any meaningful change. India’s National Human Rights Commission was brought in to spearhead proceedings, but very few perpetrators ever faced justice. 

The impact of the system is devastating as it enslaves whole families and sometimes even future generations. Until justice is truly served, victims of bonded labor will continue to be denied freedom.

To Get Involved:

To learn how Free the Slaves, an organization dedicated to sustainable freedom, helps victims, click here. 

To read about Anti-Slavery International, the world’s oldest anti-slavery organization, click here.

Ella Nguyen

Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.

Iran’s Shoddy ‘Satellite Cities’ Test Citizens’ Patience

Thanks to high rent prices and overpopulation, thousands of Iranians have been forced out of their hometowns. But the “satellite cities” built to hold them leave much to be desired. 

An aerial view of Tehran, Iran. Hansueli Krapf. CC BY-SA 3.0

In the 1980s, Iran intentionally tried to grow its own population, aiming to increase its military strength amid the Iran-Iraq war. The 1979 Islamic Revolution had seen Iran’s old monarchy overthrown and a new republic built on Shiite Islam take shape. Student groups and leftist organizations rejoiced at the new rights promised to women; Islamist groups lauded the fact that their country was now a theocracy. But the new government wanted to ensure that the ideas of the revolution would last beyond one generation. So it encouraged polygamy, made birth control nearly impossible to find and lowered the age of marriage to 9 for girls and 15 for boys.

The plan worked—Iran’s population grew enormously. Forty years after the revolution, there are almost 50 million more people living in Iran. But these newcomers are not a new generation of happy, loyal citizens. They are people who the nation was not built to hold. 

Overpopulation was not something Iran was completely unprepared for. Soon after the revolution, 17 new “satellite cities” were planned on the outskirts of the country's major cities. They had names like Pardis (“paradise” in Persian) and Parand ("silk"). They were to provide affordable places to live for people that the larger cities could not hold. But as Iran struggled with unrest and war, these cities wouldn’t begin to be built for decades. They remain half-finished even today.

The Mehr housing project in Nishapur, Iran. Sonia Sevilla. CC BY 1.0

In 2007, the Iranian government developed a scheme it hoped would solve the overpopulation problem and make the satellite cities more livable: contract out free land to real estate developers who were willing to build low-income housing units. In this way around 2 million homes were planned to be built throughout Iran. But the Mehr housing project, as it was called, failed to deliver in the cities that needed housing the most. The 400,000 units built were poorly constructed and lacked essential utilities, like plumbing and clean water. The sterile white color that all the high-rises were painted with in Pardis says it all. These buildings didn’t seem like they were meant to be lived in, only passed through. 

But the satellite cities are indeed lived in. In recent years, the overpopulation that plagues Iran’s largest cities has only gotten worse. The Financial Times reported in 2017 that the population of Tehran, Iran’s capital and largest city, “exceeds the optimum level by more than 70%.” The air is full of pollution, and the city’s roads are packed with traffic. But the last straw for many Tehranis is the cost of housing, which according to the New Yorker has more than doubled in the last three years. U.S. sanctions have contributed to this, as did former President Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw from the Iran nuclear deal. With nowhere else to go, droves of Iranians have moved to the satellite cities, where houses are cheaper. In 2019, the population of Parand was 100,000; a year later, that number had doubled.

The unfinished cities have been unable to provide jobs for their populations. Most of the people who make up Pardis must commute each day to work in Tehran. And, as the city lacks most forms of public transport, this means driving—sometimes up to three hours each way. The cities lack recreational areas, stores and the capabilities to provide health care and schooling to their growing populations. It’s no surprise that drug abuse and suicides are common in the cities.

Real estate prices remain high in congested Tehran, and more and more people are expected to leave. The people who make up these satellite cities, despite the lack of basic amenities, are grateful that they have a place to go at all. The Mehr housing project is not finished, and it is possible that in five years the livability of Tehran’s satellite cities will improve. But it is up to the Iranian government to ensure that these improvements do happen, and soon. The well-being of many Iranians depends on it.

Finn Hartnett

Finn grew up in New York City and is now a first-year at the University of Chicago. In addition to writing for Catalyst, he serves as a reporter for the Chicago Maroon. He spends his free time watching soccer and petting his cat.

Anti-Coup Protesters Launch Garbage Strike in Myanmar

Over 500 civilians have been killed since Myanmar’s Feb. 1 military coup. Protests and civil disobedience campaigns launched by pro-democracy activists are ongoing. 

On March 30, pro-democracy activists in Myanmar launched a civil disobedience campaign of throwing garbage into the streets at key intersections in protest of the country’s military rule and the frequent killing of civilians by security forces. At least 512 civilians have been killed since Myanmar’s Feb. 1 military coup. 

The military seized control of Myanmar two months ago, ousting democratically elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi of the National League for Democracy (NLD). After Suu Kyi’s landslide victory, the opposition began claiming widespread election fraud and demanded a recount of the votes. The military backed the opposing party’s claims of fraud, despite the election commission’s statement that there was no evidence to suggest the election had been tampered with. On Feb. 1, Parliament was scheduled for its first meeting since the Nov. 8 election, where it was expected to endorse the election results and approve the next government. The military detained Suu Kyi and the leaders of the NLD, arrested a number of writers and activists, and declared a yearlong state of emergency. 

The coup returned Myanmar to full military rule after the country’s decadelong quasi-democracy. Myanmar was under full military rule from 1962 to 2011, when the military implemented a parliamentary election system. Since the coup, Suu Kyi has been held in an undisclosed location and faces several charges, including violating the country’s official secrets act. 

Protests against the coup began immediately, and are some of the largest and most widespread protests in Myanmar since 2007, when thousands of monks spoke out against the military. A number of civil disobedience campaigns, like the current garbage strike, have been ongoing as well, paralyzing various sectors of the economy. The military’s response to protests escalated quickly, from imposing curfews and limits on gatherings to the use of rubber bullets and live ammunition. Hundreds of civilians have been killed by security forces. March 27 was Myanmar’s Armed Forces Day, and the deadliest day of the coup thus far, with 141 deaths resulting from the military’s attempt to stop protests. 

The current garbage strike reportedly began after loudspeaker announcements in some areas of Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, urged residents to dispose of their garbage properly. Word of the protest circulated on social media alongside the message that anyone could join in protest against the military. Once the protest had started, photos of garbage piling up in the streets began to circulate. 

Also on March 30, a joint letter from the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, the Arakan Army and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army called for the government to stop killing protesters and to resolve political issues. 

Rachel Lynch

Rachel is a student at Sarah Lawrence College in Bronxville, NY currently taking a semester off. She plans to study Writing and Child Development. Rachel loves to travel and is inspired by the places she’s been and everywhere she wants to go. She hopes to educate people on social justice issues and the history and culture of travel destinations through her writing.

Anti-Asian Hate Spreads Across the Western World

In the past year, hate crimes against Asian Americans have risen 149%. But attacks are also growing around the world, here CATALYST reports on incidents in Spain (where 2.9% of citizens of Asian descent have experienced hate crimes), Scotland, Canada and Australia.

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Abortion Cases in El Salvador Could Loosen Restrictions on Reproductive Rights

The National Palace in San Salvador, El Salvador. David Stanley CC BY 2.0.

Reproductive rights in Latin America have a complicated history. While a handful of countries in the region allow for abortion at the mother’s request, the vast majority of Latin American countries only allow abortions to be performed in very specific cases, with El Salvador, the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua and Honduras retaining complete prohibitions.

2021 may be a turning point, however. Argentina began the year with a new law legalizing abortion, which makes the country the third in Latin America to do so after Cuba and Uruguay. More recently, new abortion cases being heard in El Salvador could loosen laws in one of the world’s most restrictive countries for reproductive rights, opening the door for further decriminalization and legalization of abortion throughout the region.

El Salvador’s Historical Lack of Reproductive Rights

In 2012, a young Salvadoran woman named Sara had a miscarriage after she slipped and fell while washing laundry. Despite maintaining her innocence, the Salvadoran government sentenced Sara to 30 years in prison for aggravated homicide due to the country’s prohibition on any and all abortions. Lawyers are currently working to appeal her conviction.

A mural in El Salvador which says “Hope Woman” in English. El Decertor. CC BY NC-ND 2.0.

Sara, who is only identified by her first name to protect her privacy, is one of countless women who have been subjected to El Salvador’s restrictive policies on reproductive rights. Another woman, Manuela, had a miscarriage in 2008. After going to the hospital, she was handcuffed to her bed by government authorities, accused of having an abortion and charged with aggravated homicide, which resulted in a 30-year sentence that was cut short when she passed away two years later due to lymphatic cancer.

El Salvador has historically maintained heightened restrictions on abortion access. While the country’s 1956 Penal Code permitted abortions if the woman’s life was at risk and the 1973 Penal Code expanded the exceptions to include circumstances of rape, statutory rape or detected congenital disorders in the fetus, El Salvador banned abortions under any circumstances in 1998 and amended its constitution in 1999 to recognize human life from the moment of conception.

A number of organizations, most notably the United Nations, have condemned El Salvador’s restrictive laws as human rights violations. However, the government has largely ignored these accusations.

Abortion-rights activists both within and outside of El Salvador are hopeful that 2021 could be a turning point for the country. Both Sara and Manuela’s cases are being heard by courts this year—Sara’s in a national court and Manuela’s at the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. If either of these cases come back in favor of the women, it could force the country to expand upon reproductive rights after nearly two and a half decades of restrictions.

A Brief Look at Reproductive Rights in Latin America

A view of Buenos Aires, the capital of Argentina. The country legalized abortion up to the 14th week of pregnancy in January 2021. Boris G. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

El Salvador’s restrictions on reproductive rights are by no means an outlier in Latin America. As of March 2021, only Argentina, Cuba, Uruguay, Puerto Rico, Mexico’s Federal District and the Mexican state of Oaxaca have legalized abortion at the mother’s request. Every other country in Latin America restricts access to abortions in some way.

One of the primary reasons for Latin America having such restrictive standards on abortion is due to the dominance of Roman Catholicism in the region, a religion which heavily stigmatizes the practice. According to the Pew Research Center, 69% of those in Latin America practice Catholicism, with every country in the region aside from Honduras and Uruguay retaining Catholic majorities. Even when new legislation has favored expanded access, stigmas against abortion remain high.

However, this stigmatization may be changing. Argentina rang in the new year with a groundbreaking abortion law guaranteeing women the right to seek out an abortion up to the 14th week of pregnancy with no exceptions. This new law makes Argentina, which has the fourth highest population of any country in Latin America, the largest country in the region to have such a comprehensive set of reproductive rights standards.

Should El Salvador expand access to abortion in the near future, the change may serve as a catalyst for expanded rights in other countries such as Chile and Mexico, both of which have seen pro-feminist movements in recent years. For the time being, however, activists continue to fight for expanded abortion access throughout Latin America.

Jacob Sutherland

Jacob is a recent graduate from the University of California San Diego where he majored in Political Science and minored in Spanish Language Studies. He previously served as the News Editor for The UCSD Guardian, and hopes to shed light on social justice issues in his work.

A Closer Look at East Africa’s Human-Elephant Conflict

For farming communities in East Africa, elephants pose a danger to survival. Consuming up to 1,000 lbs of food a day, they destroy farmers crops in hours, cause injury and even death. While poaching is publicized, it is actually the human-animal conflict that poses the greatest threat to the species survival.

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Oregon and Washington State Rethink the War on Drugs

A new law in Oregon decriminalized possession of small quantities of hard drugs. With Washington state possibly following its lead, the war on drugs might begin to be phased out.

Is the end in sight for the war on drugs? Thomas Martinsen. CC BY-NC-SA 3.0.

Currently, an Oregon police officer cannot arrest someone for possession of small amounts of heroin, meth, LSD or any other hard drug. Ballot Measure 110, voted into law last November, decriminalized the possession of small quantities of such substances. Instead of a felony conviction and jail time, a drug user caught red-handed will face either a $100 fine or a medical evaluation that could direct them to an Addiction Recovery Center (ARC). The new law fundamentally changes the state’s approach to epidemic rates of drug use and could revolutionize the role of Oregon’s police force. 

At its core, Ballot Measure 110 diverts drug users away from the criminal justice system and toward the health care system. The bill requires that a network of 15 ARCs be built to treat drug users and pair them with case workers who can help them reach sobriety. Funding for the ARCs will come, ironically, from tax revenue from legal marijuana sales. Oregon can expect a lot of money from such sales. In 2020, tax revenue from marijuana reached $133 million, a 30% increase from the previous year. Additionally, the state anticipates that more funds will appear as police stop pursuing arrests for drug possession.

The simple demotion of drug possession from a felony to a misdemeanor will have lasting repercussions. Before, an Oregon police officer who saw a pipe in a car could justify searching the car for illegal substances, since the pipe was proof of a possible felony. Now that it would indicate only a misdemeanor, the officer cannot search the vehicle. Arrests will decrease sharply as a result. The Oregon Criminal Justice Commission estimates that there will be 3,679 fewer arrests for possession per year, a 90.7% decrease. Distributors will still face criminal sentences since they possess drugs in large quantities, but users will receive health care, not jail time.

A disease, not a crime. Drugs Treatment Clinic Parus. CC BY-SA 4.0.

Building 15 ARCs by Oct. 1 will be a substantial challenge. Oregon will need to transition from addiction recovery programs focused on prisons to separate health care facilities that require supplies, staff and resources. Already, officers have made fewer arrests for possession to mitigate the risk of COVID-19 outbreaks in prisons. Thousands of drug users who would have landed in jails will now be placed into ARCs. Many who argued against the ballot measure now question whether so many facilities can be built by October. 

They have other qualms, too. As crude as the criminal justice system can be, drug addicts who served time in prison often entered court-mandated treatment programs; this won’t happen now that drug possession is a misdemeanor. County sheriffs expressed concern at a potential surge in illegal drug use now that prison is not a deterrent. Since the ballot measure passed with 58.5% of the vote, it’s clear these arguments weren’t entirely persuasive. 

The least worst option? Michael Kappel. CC BY-NC 2.0.

For one, prison might be the worst place to overcome a drug dependency. An addict is thrust into an unfamiliar environment to undergo withdrawal, and they may cope with trauma by self-medicating when the opportunity arises. The risk for opioid overdose alone is 129 times higher than average in the first two weeks after being released from jail. As for a potential surge in drug use, multiple examples of decriminalization in other countries indicate that this will most likely not occur. After decriminalizing hard drugs in Portugal, rates of drug use remained steady, but drug deaths fell as the percentage of users treated for addiction rose 21% between 2001 and 2008. 

Criticisms of Ballot Measure 110 go beyond the issue of how to treat epidemic rates of drug addiction. They speak to a concern about the ability of Oregon’s health care infrastructure to manage the flow of drug users from prisons to ARCs. This transition plays into a more ambitious, long-term agenda that many advocates of Ballot Measure 110 advocate for: defunding the police. By turning criminals into patients, ARCs would take the issue of drug addiction and mental health crises away from police; Oregon is even considering an alternative to 911 that people can call for drug-related issues or mental health crises.          

A Black Lives Matter protest in Portland, Oregon. Matthew Roth. CC BY-NC 2.0.

Washington state is considering a similar transition with House Bill 1499, which if passed would decriminalize drugs much the same way as Oregon’s Ballot Measure 110. Revenue for Washington state’s ARCs would come not from marijuA Black Lives Matter protest in Portland, Oregon. Matthew Roth. CC BY-NC 2.0.ana sales but from taxes on pharmaceutical companies, which played a large role in starting the opioid epidemic. Washington state currently has a program designed to lead drug addicts away from the criminal justice system and into treatment centers, the Law Enforcement Assisted Diversion (LEAD) program. It differs from other diversion programs in that it provides care before, not after, an arrest and takes referrals from community members, not just law enforcement. Nationwide, the program has been held up as a model diversion program.

Both states will struggle to make a seamless transition from prisoners to patients. It requires reforming two systems that often become embroiled in partisan conflicts. When the Seattle City Council cut its police department’s budget by 11%, in part to fund diversion programs, 186 police officers quit in response. Oregon will labor to build 15 ARCs by October, even with abundant funding from marijuana sales. Despite the state’s efforts, success depends largely on ever-shifting political winds.

Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Environmental Racism is Poisoning Black Communities in the US

Black Americans are 79% more likely than White Americans to live in areas where industrial pollution poses a health threat. The environmental injustice that members of the community face is rooted in centuries of systemic racism and segregation. 

In 2016, Flint, Michigan, was declared to be in a state of emergency by its mayor, Michigan’s governor, and then-President Barack Obama. These state of emergency declarations brought national attention to a crisis that citizens of Flint, a majority-Black community, had been dealing with for two years at that point: undrinkable water. In 2014, the city switched its drinking water supply from Detroit’s system to the Flint River in an attempt to cut costs. The Flint River runs through the center of town and has historically been used as an unofficial disposal site for refuse from local factories and mills. The river’s pollution, combined with inadequate water treatment and testing, led to discolored, bad-smelling water being pumped into Flint homes. Water from the Flint River caused rashes and hair loss, and it also potentially contributed to an outbreak of Legionnaires’ disease that killed 10 people. Later studies showed that the contaminated water had also led to increased cases of elevated blood lead levels in Flint’s children, a condition which can create a range of developmental problems. Flint is still dealing with lead in its water supply because of corroded pipes. The Michigan Civil Rights Commission concluded that the government’s poor response to the Flint water crisis was a result of implicit bias and systemic racism. 

Flint is not the only city to fall victim to environmental injustice, the phenomenon of certain communities, such as communities of color and poor communities, being disproportionately subjected to environmental risk. Environmental injustice is believed to be rooted in systemic racism, and is sometimes referred to as environmental racism. While White people generally breathe 17% less air pollution than they are responsible for generating, Black people breathe 56% more than they cause. In 19 states, Black Americans are at least 79% more likely than White Americans to live in areas where industrial pollution is a health threat. 

St. James Parish, Louisiana, is riddled with factories, chemical plants and refineries. Residents in the area have some of the highest cancer rates in the country, and the region has been nicknamed “Cancer Alley.” Environmentalists say that the area’s fossil fuel industry is the reason for the community’s dismal health. Residents of Grays Ferry, a neighborhood in South Philadelphia, also face disproportionate rates of cancer, which experts attribute to the community’s proximity to a massive refinery. Like Flint, St. James Parish and Grays Ferry are majority-Black communities. 

Factories, refineries and other forms of polluting infrastructure have historically been built in low-income communities of color. Many of these communities were created through segregation and redlining, the refusal of the Federal Housing Administration to issue mortgages in Black neighborhoods. Housing policies under the New Deal were geared toward providing housing to middle-class White families, pushing people of color into urban housing projects. The Federal Housing Administration subsidized the production of subdivisions for White families, requiring that none of the homes be sold to people of color. White neighborhoods received more community investment and better infrastructure, while communities of color suffered from poverty and poor amenities. Companies began exploiting this segregation by buying out Black residents in order to use the land for industrial purposes. After all, people in low-income communities often lacked the means necessary to hire legal representation that could fight back against major corporations. 

The systemic racism that led to segregation and the creation of many low-income communities of color in some ways still perseveres, as these communities are taken advantage of by companies at the expense of residents’ health. Black people have historically been left out of the environmentalist movement, with White people making up 80% of the staff of environmental nonprofits. More recently, Black communities have begun advocating for environmental justice. Activists hope to combine the National Environmental Policy Act, which requires federal agencies to consider the environmental impact of proposed projects and infrastructure, with Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which prohibits federally funded entities from discriminating on the basis of race, to create a policy that would dismantle environmental injustice. Environmental policy changes are considered by many to be badly needed, and until they occur, companies will continue to prosper at the expense of Black communities.

Rachel Lynch

Rachel is a student at Sarah Lawrence College in Bronxville, NY currently taking a semester off. She plans to study Writing and Child Development. Rachel loves to travel and is inspired by the places she’s been and everywhere she wants to go. She hopes to educate people on social justice issues and the history and culture of travel destinations through her writing.

What the Arrest of Paul Rusesabagina Means for Peace in Rwanda

Rwanda’s history of violence still looms over its people’s memory. More than 25 years after the end of the Rwanda genocide, political tensions and growing concerns over civil rights are once again threatening the fabric of peace in the country. 

Rusesabagina lecturing at the University of Michigan in 2014 in commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the Rwanda genocide. University of Michigan’s Ford School. CC BY-ND 2.0

Paul Rusesabagina, the former manager of the Hotel de Mille Collines in Kigali, Rwanda, was arrested in August 2020. During his time as hotel manager, he saved 1,268 lives during the 1994 Rwanda genocide. Touted as a human rights advocate, he is now being charged with murder, arson and terrorism. Rwanda, still reeling from the heinous ethnic violence that spread across the country 26 years ago, once again finds itself on edge.

It has been more than a quarter of a century since up to 800,000 people were killed in the Rwanda genocide. Many of those slaughtered were part of the country’s Tutsi minority, which was ethnically targeted by Hutu extremists. The international community, including the United Nations, failed to take swift enough action to prevent the further spread of violence, which continued from April to July 1994. Former U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon even publicly expressed shame over the organization's failure to prevent the genocide during a 2014 commemoration ceremony in Rwanda.

In the time since, the country has tried to embark on a reconciliation process to ensure that nothing of such nature will ever occur again. Rusesabagina has since enjoyed international attention for his actions during the genocide. The 2004 film “Hotel Rwanda,” based on the Hotel de Mille Collines, received widespread critical acclaim and catapulted Rusesabagina to global celebrity status. The film was nominated for three Academy Awards, and President George W. Bush even awarded Rusesabagina the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2005. 

An estimated 800,000 people were killed in the Rwanda genocide, many of whom were part of the country’s Tutsi minority population. Fanny Schertzer. CC BY-SA 3.0

However, the attention generated by “Hotel Rwanda” and Rusesabagina was not inherently positive, especially for the ruling party of Rwanda. President Paul Kagame, the leader of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, has often been described as a dictator. He has been in power for over 20 years and has been the target of international criticism, including from Rusesabagina. Kagame’s actions toward quelling dissent have become the main focus of scrutiny, especially the jailing of political rivals like Shima Diane Rwigara and Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza. In 2018, an annual European Union human rights report highlighted the presence of civil rights violations in Rwanda, allegations that Kagame wrote off as being “ridiculous.” 

Rusesabagina himself is an ardent critic of Kagame. In 2007, he claimed that Kagame was responsible for the assassination of former President Juvenal Habyarimana, whose plane was shot down in 1994. Habyarimana's death created more anti-Tutsi sentiment in Rwanda, galvanizing Hutu extremists to take to the streets and plunging the country into violence. Rusesabagina claimed that Kagame’s possible role in Habyarimana’s assassiniation made him responsible for the hundreds of thousands killed during the genocide. 

Now, Rusesabagina is the latest critic to be targeted by the Kagame regime. Rusesabagina, who now lives in San Antonio, was traveling to Burundi to speak to a congregation regarding his experience during the Rwanda genocide. Little did he know that this was a lie, and he was falling into a trap set by Kagame that would lead to his arrest. Rusesabagina had a layover in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, before boarding a flight that he thought was heading to Burundi. In Dubai he met Constantin Niyomwungere, the pastor of the congregation Rusesabagina was supposed to speak to. Together, they took a chartered jet intended for Bujumbura in Burundi. However, when the plane landed, Rusesabagina did not find himself in Bujumbura. Instead, he was in the Rwandan capital of Kigali, where he was immediately arrested by law enforcement officials. 

Rusesabagina’s arrest is much more than a simple plot by an authoritarian to eliminate critics; it is a reminder of how fragile the peace and reconciliation process can be. Since the Rwanda genocide, the country has made immense progress in improving living standards. In 2019, life expectancy in Rwanda was 69 years, compared to just 31 years in 1995. Women make up 61% of the country’s legislature, the highest proportion of women holding public office in the world. Literacy rates went from just under 60% in the early 1990s to 73% in 2018. Yet, as Rusesabagina’s arrest shows, Rwanda is still has a lot to overcome to fulfill its vision of a post-genocide future. 

Rusesabagina benefited from global visibility that not only catapulted him to fame, but brought attention to Rwanda and the 1994 genocide. His arrest is known because he is known. However, the Kagame administration has a pattern of arresting critics and accusing them of conspiracy against the state. Rusesabagina is just one of many in an increasing number of human rights violations that threaten the landscape of Rwandan peace.

The Rwanda genocide provides a stark reminder of how far the world is yet to come in genocide prevention and reconciliation. There have been U.N. investigations and tribunals, Hollywood glamour and award shows since then. Yet, violence does not crawl back to the shadows when the world shines a spotlight on it. Rather, the international community needs to learn from its mistakes and make sure that Paul Rusesabagina’s arrest does not open a new opportunity for another moment of mass violence.

Aerex Narvasa

Aerex is a current student at Occidental College majoring in Diplomacy and World Affairs with a minor in East Asian Studies. He is passionate about sharing people’s stories through writing, and always strives to learn about new places and cultures. Aerex loves finding new music and exploring his hometown of Los Angeles in his free time.

Bad Blood: Vaccine Skepticism Spreads in Tuskegee, Alabama

Fewer than half of US Black adults plan to get the vaccine, and in Tuskegee, Alabama, where the deadly syphilis study occurred in 1932, skepticism is high. At that time, 600 Black men entered a US Gov’t sponsored study, in which participants were told they would be treated for “bad blood” but were left untreated and 128 died. Memories of this are still very much alive in this region.

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Muslim Victims of India’s Worst Riots Fret Over Delayed Justice

For victims of any crime, the wait for justice to be served is often a painstaking process where emotions run high. The victims of last year's Hindu riots in New Delhi now feel that any hope for justice has fizzled away.

A Muslim praying in a mosque in New Delhi. Riccardo Maria Mantero. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. 

Almost exactly a year ago, India’s bustling capital of New Delhi broke out into the worst religious rioting seen in the country since 1984. For four bloody days, Hindu mobs ravaged the city targeting Muslims, many of whom grew up experiencing peaceful relations with their Hindu neighbors. The mobs set fire to Muslims’ homes and mosques, while others dragged Muslims into the streets where they were mercilessly beaten to death. Muslims were also wounded by crowbars and iron rods, while others were lynched. Families were burned alive as the violence ensued, often by Hindus wearing helmets to prevent police identification. One victim, Mohammad Zubair, was seen crouching on a dirt street with his hands over his head; he prayed as a group of men beat him senseless. Zubair narrowly survived after the mob left his barely conscious body for dead in a nearby gutter. 

“… a letter was found from a police chief calling on officers to ease punishments toward Hindus involved.”

Although a horrific scene, religious tensions and rioting are certainly nothing new to India. Hindus make up around 80% of the country’s population, while 15% are Muslims. The two groups have been in conflict since the country’s inception, but the election of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has exacerbated tensions to unprecedented levels. 

Now, a year has passed since the riots. Although the peak of violence has passed over, neither the widespread tension nor the fear among Muslim residents has eased. Most victims of the rioting find themselves at a dead end: police have often refused to help victims due to political ties with the currently elected Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has connections to Hindu nationalist groups. Many victims worry that the ruling party actually supported the riots against Muslims. 

Local police view the situation differently. They claim that the necessary investigations were carried out, and that almost 1,750 perpetrators were punished. Evidence seems to show otherwise; a letter was found from a police chief calling on officers to ease punishments toward Hindus involved. 

In addition, the complex situation has led to a web of accusations. Kapil Mishra, a leader of the BJP, believes that the riots were started by the Muslim population to incite violence against Hindus. Other Hindus claim that Muslims were behind the rioting, claiming that the goal was to tarnish India’s image on the world stage. 

Unfortunately, the situation for Muslim victims appears bleak. All that can be done now is for the anguished residents to wait some more and hope for a new path forward. 

Ella Nguyen

Ella is is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.

#MeToo Movement in Greece Resurges After Testimony by Olympic Athlete

Olympic sailing champion Sofia Bekatorou’s speaking out regarding her past experiences with sexual abuse is leading to a revival of Greece’s #MeToo movement.

A view of the Acropolis in Athens, Greece. Christophe Meneboeuf. CC-BY-SA 3.0

Forty-three-year-old Greek sailing champion Sofia Bekatorou rose to international acclaim after winning an Olympic gold medal in the 2004 Athens Olympics and four World Championships in Italy, Slovenia, Hungary and Spain. Recently, however, she is making headlines for speaking out about her past experiences with sexual abuse in the competitive sports arena. Her brave actions sparked a national #MeToo movement with support from politicians, athletes and social media followers across Greece. 

 Bekatorou’s Experience with Sexual Abuse

A boat at sea. Snappygoat.com. CC0

Bekatorou was sexually abused in 1998 when she went abroad for the Olympic qualifiers in Sydney. A member of the Hellenic Sailing Federation raped her when she was 21. According to Bekatorou, “He said he would stop if I wanted him to, but he didn’t stop, no matter what I said. When he finished and got up from on top of me, I left the room ashamed and in tears.” Her case remained silenced for 20 years as she began to succeed in the sport. As Bekatorou resisted her abuser’s advances, she received pushback from the sailing federation, making it more difficult to excel. She stated that, “The more successful I became, the more they fought me. While I didn’t have such great success, no one was afraid I would acquire much of a voice.”

Greek athlete Sofia Bekatorou. Mihrou. Wikimedia Commons. CC BY-SA 4.0

Bekatorou’s Testimony and Aftermath

Bekatorou had the opportunity to raise her voice when the government asked athletes to comment on a proposed sports reform bill in 2019. In November of that year, she denounced her rape publicly for the first time. Although Bekatorou did not expect to reach a large audience since she spoke at a small online conference, the sailing federation began responding with allegations the next day. Her testimony resulted in a wave of support from fans with #metisofia (on Sofia’s side) and #MeToo trending on social media. In addition to her testimony, Bekatorou sent a letter to World Sailing signed by fellow Olympians and coaches calling out a “wretched situation” and demanding fair elections to overhaul the existing board of the organization. 

In addition to support from her fans, Bekatorou has also received the backing of Greek politicians, including Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis and female President Katerina Sakellaropoulou, who stated that Bekatorou’s actions “dissolved a conspiracy of silence” in Greece, where sexual assault cases are notoriously underreported. 

A Greek parliamentary session. Pasok. Wikimedia Commons. CC BY-SA 2.0

Groundbreaking Changes in Greek Sports and Politics

Since her testimony, Vice President Aristeidis Adamopoulos of the Hellenic Sailing Federation, her alleged abuser, has resigned from his position. He refuses to acknowledge any instance of abuse, stating that his only reason for resigning is to spare the federation any negative publicity. Greece has also banned about half of the country’s 10,000 sports clubs from voting in upcoming sports federation elections due to concerns regarding “sexual and financial misconduct.” Although Bekatorou’s case has passed the 20-year statute of limitations period, politicians are considering an extension of it. There are rising movements to increase prison sentences for sex offenders and to address sexual abuse cases more frequently, but the long-term effects of the #MeToo movement’s surge are not yet known. 

Women from across Greece are beginning to come forward regarding their harrowing experiences with sexual abuse. These women include sailing champion Marina Psychogyiou, water polo player Mania Bikof, world champion swimmer Rabea Iatridou and Cypriot Olympic shooter Andri Eleftheriou. Additionally, widespread sexual abuse cases at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki in northern Greece are making headlines, with over 100 complaints filed about a single professor in the last 30 years. Although Greece is making strides toward gender equality with legislation passed in 2010, the country is far behind other European Union members in this regard. 

Sofia Bekatorou’s heroism serves as an inspiration to sexual abuse survivors and women around the world. Only time will tell whether her actions lead to social change in Greece and beyond. 

Megan Gürer

Megan is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

How Tse Chi Lop, Asia’s Biggest Drug Lord, Was Arrested 

Authorities from 20 countries worked for years to bust the Chinese-Canadian kingpin. Now, they have successfully removed the head of Asia’ largest drug syndicate. 

The Australian Federal Police. DFat photo library. CC BY 2.0.

Cai Jeng Ze had sweaty hands. Authorities at Yangon International Airport in Myanmar first noticed him picking at his red, blistered fingers. Drug traffickers in the Asia-Pacific region tend to have similar hands from handling methamphetamine; the drug is toxic to human skin. Authorities stopped and searched him. Taped to each of his thighs was a bag containing 80 grams of ketamine, a medical-grade anesthetic and party drug. These tiny bags were the least of the authorities’ concerns. On his person, they found two cellphones—an “Aladdin’s cave of intel” according to one investigator—that led to the takedown of Asia’s most infamous drug lord: Tse Chi Lop. 

Cai Jeng Ze was arrested in 2016, and five years later, on Jan. 23, 2021, Tse Chi Lop was arrested at Amsterdam’s Schiphol International Airport. That day brought to a close the yearslong work of Operation Kungur, a counternarcotics investigation involving 20 agencies from Asia, North America and Europe. It was by far the largest effort to combat an Asian drug trafficking syndicate. Investigators estimate that Tse Chi Lop’s organization, known as “The Company,” controls 40% to 70% of the Asia-Pacific meth market, which produces $30.3 billion to $60.4 billion annually. As CEO of The Company, also known as the Sam Gor syndicate, many have dubbed him “Asia’s El Chapo.” Some investigators believe a more apt comparison would be to Pablo Escobar. 

The source of Tse’s riches. Gary Lee Todd, Ph.D. CC0 

But the path to arresting this kingpin began with Cai Jeng Ze’s two cellphones. Myanmar authorities invited the Australian Federal Police (AFP) to send two intelligence analysts to Yangon. Once there, they cross-referenced the phone’s contents with their vast database on Asian drug trafficking. With data gleaned from that analysis, Operation Kungur could pursue lead after lead until they gathered enough intel to arrest Tse Chi Lop.

Authorities first learned what Tse looked like by capitalizing on the most lucrative aspect of his business. The AFP intercepted a small heroin shipment into Australia, but rather than arrest the dealers, they surveilled them. After having shipment after shipment seized, Australian gangs demanded compensation from Tse. The Company’s gargantuan profit margins allow Tse to make his buyers offers they can’t refuse: if a shipment is captured by police, he will supply them with a replacement at no extra charge or give them a full refund. The Australian gang was pushing it, though. Annoyed leaders of the syndicate summoned the gang leader to Hong Kong. When the Australian met two men from The Company, Hong Kong police were there to watch. One of the men present was Tse Chi Lop.

His modest appearance belies his notoriety. He is 57 years old. With center-parted hair, he dresses like a middle-class, middle-aged family man. Though not middle-class, he was certainly a family man. He flew family members to five-star hotels for birthday parties. Though middle-aged, he surrounded himself with at least eight Thai kickboxers at a time for his security detail. He was known to bet at casinos and English horse races. One night, he lost $66 million at a casino in Macao. 

His profit margins explain his lavish lifestyle. One investigator said Tse’s supply chain was so sturdy and complex that it “must rival Apple’s.” He sources much of his methamphetamine from the Shan state in northeastern Myanmar, a corner of the “Golden Triangle” where Myanmar, Thailand and Laos meet and where most of Asia’s meth originates. Rebel groups control the territory in the Shan state, allowing Tse to operate a state-of-the-art meth facility. Away from the prying eyes of Myanmar’s government, The Company can produce much higher-quality meth in much greater quantities than competitors and can charge much lower prices. A kilo goes for $70,500 in Thailand, $298,000 in Australia, and $588,000 in Japan. The Company can turn a profit charging only $1,800. 

United States marshals in Asia’s “Golden Triangle.” U.S. Mashals Service. CC BY 2.0.

Authorities had the chance to give Tse, a Canadian national, a life sentence in 1998. He was found guilty of conspiracy to import heroin into the United States by the Eastern District Court of New York. Through a petition in 2000, he begged for leniency. He claimed his ailing parents needed care. His wife was overwhelmed taking care of their 12-year-old son, who suffered from a lung disorder. He promised to open a restaurant when he was freed. 

Luckily, authorities got a second chance. When Tse gained freedom in 2006, he resumed where he left off, masterminding the transport of drugs across continents. Authorities are not yet releasing details about his arrest in Amsterdam. For now, the world is beginning to learn the name Tse Chi Lop. His demure demeanor allowed him to slip under the radar of investigators and media alike. Even in prison, though, his life’s work will exact long-lasting repercussions on Asia’s drug market. The Company and its supply chains persist. Investigators are left with a new question: who will take Tse’s place?

Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Philippines Moves to Protect Children from Sexual Abuse

The Philippines passed a new law to raise the age of consent. The change could go a long way toward protecting the country’s most vulnerable children. 

Children on the street. Beegee49. CC BY-ND 2.0.

The Philippines’ House of Representatives recently passed a new law that would raise the age of consent from 12 to 16. Long among the world’s lowest ages of consent, lawmakers hope the change will protect children from sexual predation. In recent decades, the Philippines has become a global hub of child sexual exploitation. Though the new law will improve protections for victims of abuse, long-lasting effects of sexual predation will be felt for years to come. 

The age of consent was decided in 1930 in the Revised Penal Code at 12 years old, the product of what is widely considered a culture of patriarchy. At such a low age, sexual acts against children were almost impossible to prosecute in court. Defendants could claim sex with a child was consensual because they were both above the age of consent. Under this code, defendants could escape a rape verdict if they offered to marry their victim. 

In recent years, sexual abuse against minors has seen a massive increase across the Philippines. Experts say the number of IP addresses used for streaming child pornography has risen from 23,333 in 2014 to 81,723 in 2017, a 250% increase. Cases of HIV/AIDS among minors have been increasing steadily over a similar period of time. Of all rape victims, 70% are children, the vast majority girls. As a result, girls as young as 14 are becoming pregnant at higher rates. 

Campaigners for the bill long argued that children needed far more protections than the Philippines’ legal system granted. The law that would raise the age of consent also contains measures to harshen penalties for rape, sexual exploitation and abuse as well as shift the burden of proof of consent from the victim to the offender. The new law passed the House of Representatives with 207 votes and only 3 opposing; it is expected to pass the Senate just as easily. 

A family making ends meet. FotoGrazio. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Increased data collection has painted a clearer picture of the issue in recent years. International advocacy helped focus lawmakers’ attention on the issue, but it also revealed the lack of resources the Philippines suffers from in combating sex crimes. Sixty-four percent of online abuse cases were initiated by foreign authorities who traced crimes back to the country.

Online sexual abuse afflicts more children today than it ever has. A combination of widespread poverty and COVID-19 lockdowns has rendered the practice rampant in recent months. Poor families were disproportionately harmed by lockdowns, causing a small number of families to resort to online abuse. Predators from foreign countries—mainly the United States, Canada, Europe and Australia—pay facilitators to sexually abuse children, directing the abuse themselves via a livestream. 

The facilitators often include immediate and extended family. In 90 cases involving 381 victims from 2011 to 2017, 43 were abused from two months up to two years. Half were arranged by parents or extended family. The average age of victims was 11. The youngest victim was less than 1. 

The Philippine government plans to implement additional measures to address the conditions that make child sexual abuse so prominent. The Philippine Plan of Action to End Violence Against Children, begun in 2017, campaigns for children’s rights and was partially responsible for raising the age of consent. The U.S. Department of State classifies the Philippines as Tier 1 for fully complying with the Trafficking Victims Protections Act. For the time being, raising the age of consent marks another crucial step in combating sexual exploitation.

Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Glacial Avalanche in Himalayas Draws Attention to Climate Change

The topic of climate change is widely discussed in political and scientific circles; while many wholly deny the concept, others experience its consequences firsthand. In the most recent example of climate change’s widespread impacts, natives of the Himalayas have taken a firm stand in protecting their homes. 

Pristine Himalayas—for now. David Zanchettine. CC BY-NC 2.0. 

Just over a month into 2021, the climate crisis struck the Indian Himalayas when a portion of a massive glacier in Uttarakhand state broke off. The incident occurred at the base of Nanda Devi, India’s second-tallest mountain; the gargantuan mountain’s lower slopes are peppered with villages where locals raise cattle. The incident was exacerbated by a snowball event: the avalanche struck construction sites, pushing more deadly debris toward locals. Villages were obliterated by the falling debris, while a raging river of melted ice shot down rocky hillsides. Officials claim that over 200 are missing, many of whom were workers on construction sites; 30 people have been declared dead. The cause of the slide has not been fully determined, but officials suspect that warming of the ice due to climate change caused the rocks to slide off with greater ease. 

As tragic as this recent incident was, it was not the first episode of the Himalayan climate crisis and certainly will not be the last. The Himalayas are already vulnerable to catastrophic weather changes, especially during the monsoon season. However, it is the human-caused damage that locals are imploring the government to prevent. 

India faces a daunting dilemma with the Himalayan climate crisis. Many residents of the hilly landscape live in poverty, so the government has jump-started many development projects to help the local population. However, as well-intentioned as this work may have been, it has proven deadly to the area’s residents. Many argue that the ecosystem of the Himalayas is simply too fragile to sustain such heavy construction. Locals explain that the rocky area is prone to landslides, and the ever-rising temperatures leave glaciers closer to their melting point. In addition, climate change has contributed to unpredictable weather patterns in the area, which further adds to the locals’ anxiety of potential catastrophes. Yet, the government has chosen to continue the projects anyway. As a result, human interference with the landscape compounded with rising temperatures due to climate change leave residents constantly teetering on the edge of disaster. 

Little can be said at the moment of what kind of change lies ahead for India’s Himalayan population. However, what can be said is that failure to act swiftly will guarantee a deadly future for the area’s residents. 

To Get Involved:

To learn more about how the India Development and Relief Fund approaches disaster relief in the region, click here. 

To look into ways to help with disaster relief through volunteering for the India Development and Relief Fund, click here. Telecommuting is available for most positions.

Ella Nguyen

Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.