India’s Third Gender — Hijra

Despite being protected within the Indian constitution, hijra communities experience persecution. Their colonies are often sites of abuse and poverty, yet serve as the only space in Indian society for their identity.

Image by Carol Foote

India’s third gender includes a few different groups, but the most common are the hijras. The hijra identity is complex; some are born male but dress in traditionally feminine ways, some are born intersex, some seek gender reassignment procedures, and some choose to be castrated as an offering to the Hindu goddess of chastity and fertility, Bahuchara Mata, granting them their religious powers. Outsiders tend to associate them as transgender, but Indian society considers them to be the third gender — not male, not female, not transitioning. The one defining characteristic of hijras is that they leave their homes from a young age to become a part of the hijra community, where they teach their lessons in secret. These communities exist on the outskirts of society, where they are often shunned by their families and at the mercy of police authorities. 

Image by Carole Foote

For centuries, trans, intersex and genderqueer individuals abandoned by their families have been initiated into the hijra community by gurus within the system. From the age of 12 or 13, hijras trade their relationships with their families for a relationship with a guru who takes on the role of  of parent, teacher and boss. The gurus are expected to teach each hijra the chela, or the disciple, in the hijra way of life. This includes learning their rituals, how to manage a household and how to make a living. Gurus are expected to treat the hijras like their children, but their ability to dictate how a hijra works, what they earn and even who they see maintains a hold over their lives that many activists consider a systemic form of bonded labor. 

Image by Carol Foote

These communities operate within a pyramid system where the “chelas,” or the hijra students, are divided into hierarchies by their work. At the top of the pyramid are the senior-most chelas, who sing and dance. Below them are the chelas who beg and collect alms in exchange for blessings at events. And lastly, at the bottom of the chela pyramid are the sex workers. In addition to their work, chelas are expected to take on chores that serve their guru. Regardless of how a hijra earns their money, a portion of it will go to their gurus. 

Image by Carol Foote

The founder of online transgender community Transgender India, Neysara, told NewsNewslaundry,aundry, an independent news media company in India, that the hijra community is “not a child-friendly place equipped to handle trauma.” She went on to say that, “What is vulnerable is trafficable and most that join are disenfranchised.” Neysara recalled turning to the hijra community at a time when she was young and scared. “When my family was trying to honor-kill me, I sought the hijra jamaat for help. They outright told me that I [...] could only stay with them if I do sex work and earn for them.” Honor killings are committed by a male family member seeking to protect the dignity of their family against someone they believe has brought them shame. It was sex work or death.

Image by Carol Foote

Hijras have been a part of Indian life for more than a thousand years. Evidence of their existence within Hindu society can be found inside holy texts like the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, where Arjuna became the third gender. Throughout South Asian history, third-gender people have often held positions of high power. For example, during the Mughal Empire in the 15th to 19th centuries, Hindu and Muslim rulers were considerate advocates of the third gender, and many rose to significant positions, even serving as the sexless watchdogs of Mughal harems. In Hinduism, their high regard is marked by their loyalty to Lord Rama, when hijras waited at the edge of the forest for 14 years until he returned to Ayodhya after being exiled.

Image by Carol Foote

The hijras’ religious backgrounds tend to center around traditions that blend Hinduism and Islam. The practice of removing genitalia is something stigmatized in a normal Indian community, however, it’s this act that is the source of their sacred power and legitimizes their role in society. According to tradition, when a hijra is castrated their genitalia is offered to the Hindu Mother Goddess, Bahuchara Mata. The Mother Goddessworks alongside Muslim saints to transform the sacrifice of their ability to procreate into the power to bestow fertility and good luck onto others. The hijras give blessings at births and weddings to grant new couples and their newborn children fertility and prosperity. Intersex people, transgender women and infertile men are considered to be called upon by the goddess to become a hijra. Should they ignore the call, it is believed that they will pay the price of being impotent for the next seven lives they have on Earth. 

Image by Carol Foote

The castration surgery is performed by a guru and takes place without an anesthetic. The operation is illegal and life-threatening and has led some Indian regions to consider offering a medical alternative free of charge. However, because of tradition, the sacred sacrifice is performed in absolute secrecy and never spoken of. Following the surgery, new hijras recover in semi-seclusion and eat a special diet for 40 days. Afterward, they conduct a special ceremony where they're dressed as brides and blessed with the power of Bahuchara Mata. From this moment on, they are given new names and new identities. Articles in the India Times and India Today have reported how this system has been forced upon young and at-risk men, who are then pressured into prostituion and homosexuality. 

Image by Carol Foote

Even though hijras were treated with respect for thousands of years, much of their societal downfall can be attributed to Hinduism’s encounter with colonialism. The British colonized most of South Asia in the 19th and 20th centuries, and their Christian beliefs did not prepare them for their confrontation with the third gender. In 1871, the British named all hijras hereditary criminals and ordered authorities to arrest them. The law gave police the power of increased surveillance over the community, who went as far as to compile registers of hijras. A historian named Dr. Jessica Hinchy told BCC that, "Registration was a means of surveillance and also a way to ensure that castration was stamped out and the hijra population was not reproduced." 

Image by Carol Foote

Even though the law was repealed once India regained its independence, 200 years of stigmatization took a toll. Today, hijras are almost always excluded from employment and education outside of their religious roles. They are often stricken by poverty and forced to resort to begging and prostitution. Most are victims of violence and abuse, harassed by police and refused treatment in hospitals. 

Image by Carol Foote

In a step forward, India’s Supreme Court officially recognized hijras as a third gender in August of 2014, in a law that ordered the government to provide third gender people with quotas in jobs and education. The ruling came just six months after the Supreme Court’s decision to re-criminalize homosexual acts through the reversal of a 2009 Delhi High Court order.Despite being legally recognized and protected under the Indian Constitution, the court’s choice meant that hijras would be breaking the law if they participated in consensual homosexual relations. 

Image by Carol Foote

As Neysara told NewsLaundry, “without trans representation, laws made by cis people for the ‘other’ can be damaging.” Prior progress gained seemed to be lost in 2019 when activists protested the Transgender Persons Act. According to Ajita Banerjie, a Delhi-based gender and sexuality rights researcher, this “set the whole movement back by a decade.” 

Image by Carol Foote

Today, as many as half a million members of the Indian hijra community live within the guru-chela system. Despite facing discrimination, abuse and living on the margins of society, the community continues to “remain a visible presence in public space, public culture, activism and politics in South Asia," Dr. Jessica Hinchy told BBC. On a high note, NewsLaundry says that policy-led interventions have been advocated by stakeholders in the system, with the mission to integrate “trans folks into mainstream society to reduce and ultimately end their dependency on this system, if not the system itself.” 

ABOUT THE PHOTOGRAPHER:

Carol is based in Queensland Australia and has always been drawn to street photography, searching out the most colourful and quirky characters in her own environment. After studying documentary photography at college, she travelled to Yunnan, China to photograph the wide diversity of ethnic minorities in the region. However, over the past five years, her focus has shifted to Tibet, Nepal and India. As someone who has always been drawn to unique and different cultures, the regions rich heritage and local traditions make it a haven for her style of photography.

Check out more of Carol’s work here.

Claire Redden

Claire Redden is a freelance journalist from Chicago, where she received her Bachelor’s of Communications from the University of Illinois. While living and studying in Paris, Claire wrote for the magazine, Toute La Culture. As a freelancer she contributes to travel guides for the up and coming brand, Thalby. She plans to take her skills to London, where she’ll pursue her Master’s of Arts and Lifestyle Journalism at the University of Arts, London College of Communication. 

Child Labor Increases in India During the Pandemic

Child labor in India has always been prevalent, but due to the pandemic the numbers are at an all-time high.

Photo courtesy of Vignesh S.

India has always had a large number of child laborers. In 2019, 152 million children were working. In the last two years, there has been an increase of 8 million children to the workforce. There is a great risk that this new generation will be academically displaced.

Before the pandemic, being in school protected children from child labor. However, with most families out of work or working to get by, the most vulnerable have to pay the cost: children. Children are often working 16 hour days in inhumane conditions. There are many contributing factors to this issue, the largest being that a third of the Indian population is living under the poverty line. With families working and narrowly making ends meet, families may feel they have no other choice but to send their children to work. Another factor is the country’s high illiteracy rate of 287 million people. Children who do not get a basic education will become illiterate adults, making them a target for underpaying jobs that creates an intergenerational cycle of poverty within the family. 

The states where child laborers are most prevalent are Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra, where over half of the country’s children work. Uttar Pradesh in northern India is the state with the highest number of child laborers,  20 percent of children work in the silk industry and child laborers work in textile factories making garments for big companies. Gap was once in the headlines when someone discovered children working in the shops. Many of the child laborers were there due to their families selling them. Taking swift action, Gap responded and said, “the factory was being run by a subcontractor who was hired in violation of Gap’s policies, and none of the products made there will be sold in its stores.” Additionally, the spokesman for Gap Bill Chandler told The Associated Press, “Under no circumstances is it acceptable for children to produce or work on garments.” Since then Gap decided to stand up against child laborers and stated on their website that they would be “removing young workers from the facility.”

Children will work all kinds of jobs from carpet manufacturing, farming, brick making and gem extracting/polishing to selling cigarettes on the streets for the tobacco industry. Indian law prohibits children under the age of 14 to work and teens from age 14-18 to do any work that is considered hazardous. Nonetheless, most go unnoticed due to lack of enforcement of the law. Companies that turn a blind eye to this issue will oftentimes not recognize the child’s labor. Children will be forced to work long hours with no compensation or very little compensation. It has been reported that a child can make as little as 52 cents a day, if they are paid at all. They are frequently abused physically, verbally or sexually. Sexual exploitation in India is widespread, with 1.2 million children involved in prostitution. 

The mental and physical effects of this arduous and traumatic experience have consequences. Exposed children may experience mental health issues, causing a disruption in their emotional development. Many psychiatric disorders can stem from child labor, for example, depression, mood disorder, attachment issues, psychogenic seizures, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and substance abuse. The physical effects include but are not limited to exposure to toxic substances, working in extreme temperatures, malnutrition, sleep deprivation and death. The mental and physical toll it takes on the child will be long term if it is not dealt with. 

According to one estimate, more than 20 percent of India’s economy is dependent on children. This is a large financial burden on the hands of young people who should be exploring and playing, nurtured in their formative years, according to the American Academy of Pediatrics. The government’s accountability is key to move forward and to bring change to an already impacted generation. The laws that protect children need to be enforced and further tightened. 

The extreme poverty that has affected India is another root cause of child labor. According to Humanium, a organization that defends children’s rights, this is the primary reason children are falling victim to child labor. Their need to grow up before their time and help feed their impoverished family is only a momentary fix. This will impact their future and the future generations that will come after them. 

To Get Involved:

Global March is an organization that seeks to eliminate child labor. Their mission is to ensure free access to education. To learn more about Global March click here. 

To support the children of India through Global March click here.

Jenn Sung 

www.jennwanders.com

Jenn is a Communications Studies graduate based in Los Angeles. She grew up traveling with her dad and that is where her love for travel stems from. You can find her serving the community at her church, Fearless LA or planning her next trip overseas. She hopes to be involved in international humanitarian work one day.

Meet the Activist and Intersectional Storyteller Developing Data-Driven Humanitarian Tools

Melissa Jun Rowley is a journalist, entrepreneur and activist focused on the intersection of storytelling, technology and social justice.

As the founder and CEO of Humanise, Inc., Melissa Jun Rowley is developing TheToolbox.org, a data-driven humanitarian initiative created by acclaimed musician Peter Gabriel. CATALYST had the chance to catch up with Melissa to learn more about Humanise in Detroit and Melissa’s path to social entrepreneurship.

How did your experience with TheToolbox.org inspire you to develop Humanise, Inc.?

TheToolbox.org is an online destination, founded by Peter Gabriel, that connects people to apps that can help them improve their lives and become everyday activists. I first became involved as an editorial consultant, and was developing stories while curating tools that promote social impact.

For example, there’s an app you can scan over a product’s barcode to see if human trafficking was involved in the product chain. While apps like these are interesting and useful, they’re under-utilized given their lack of commercial and entertainment value. 

We came to the conclusion that the site itself is a valuable database of tools, but in order to have an impact, we need to go into the field and get people on the ground using the tools, and providing feedback about how they can be improved. That’s where Humanise comes in: It was created to function as the parent company of TheToolbox.org. The tools we curate are now one of three pillars. We’ve evolved into an organization that promotes human rights through technology, storytelling, AND collaboration with local communities.

Can you describe some of the projects that Humanise has initiated since its founding?

We decided to take Humanise to Detroit, primarily because there’s a lot of data-driven development unfolding in the city. Also, I grew up an hour outside of the D and am in love with the entrepreneurial community there. They’re so spirited. They’re the genuine article. 

While money is being directed to development in certain districts, such as downtown, the neighborhoods on the outskirts are tragically deprived of funding and resources. Forty percent of the people in Detroit don’t have Internet access, and 40 percent can’t pay their water bills. It’s a first world city crawling with third world problems! 

In the year 2015, there are no excuses for letting people in our own backyard suffer like this. We need to meet them where they are, not where we think they should be, and we need to collectively solve the problems from the ground up — not the top down. 

So we started thinking of ways we can work with technology providers to foster digital inclusion. We’ve been working closely with community activists in the Detroit neighborhood of Morningside to understand the neighborhood’s needs and aspirations. We’ve connected them with a smart city advisory to see if the area is eligible for some pretty revolutionary technology. Some of the Detroiters we know are going to use TheToolbox.org as their own citizen journalism platform, where they can publish stories about their neighborhood and discuss the tools they find the most empowering. 

If we’re able to provide connectivity for this neighborhood, we may be able to do the same thing in some of Detroit’s other hardest hits zones. 

Before developing Humanise, Inc., you spent much of your career as a journalist. How did working in journalism influence your interest in social entrepreneurship? 

Being a journalist is the way I became an entrepreneur, really. I worked in TV when I was younger, producing business news updates for CNN and then covering entertainment in Hollywood. The red carpet was my second home.  But eventually, I started to feel like I was losing my soul. I became a journalist because I wanted to help connect people through storytelling — not perpetuate the dumbing down of the country, which is what I felt like I was doing half the time, particularly when I was asked to start quoting TMZ in stories. I knew that was the end. 

I left Los Angeles, and I started focusing on nonprofits and social responsibility movements. I quickly discovered that I couldn’t make any money that way. Two years later, I began developing content for companies that have a social mission. This was when I started to view myself as more of an entrepreneur. But I’m always going to be a journalist at heart, always looking for the truth and humanity in every story. 

Do you have any advice for future journalists or entrepreneurs? 

These days, if you’re going to be a journalist, you have to be an entrepreneur. By that I mean, you need to think like an entrepreneur. You need to be constantly thinking of different strategies, who you can connect with, and how you can build your brand and business. It was this mindset that led me to TheToolbox.org and Peter Gabriel. 

A second piece of advice is that the best way to develop an idea is to collaborate and find some common core or level of connectivity in the heart of why you’re doing what you’re doing. It’s only through that kind of commitment that you can build a business that has meaning. It’s not easy. But the people you meet along the way will change your life and expand your heart and mind in ways you’ve never dreamed of. I can promise you that. 

LEARN MORE ABOUT HUMANISE, INC. HERE.

Sarah Sutphin

Sarah is an undergraduate at Yale University and a content editor for CATALYST. As a traveler who has visited 30 countries (and counting!), she feels passionate about international development through sustainable mechanisms. Sarah has taken an interest in the intersection between public health and theater, and hopes to create a program that utilizes these disciplines for community empowerment. She is a fluent Spanish speaker with plans to take residence in Latin American after graduation. 

International Human Rights Court Rules in Favor of Trans Rights

The Inter-American Court of Human Rights ruled that the government of Honduras was responsible for the 2009 murder of a transgender woman. Today, Honduras is one of the largest contributors to anti-trans violence in Latin America. 

Transgender pride flags. Ted Eytan. CC BY-SA 2.0 

On June 26, the Costa Rica-based Inter-American Court of Human Rights delivered a landmark ruling in a transgender rights case. The court held that the government of Honduras was responsible for the 2009 murder of trans woman and trans rights activist Vicky Hernández, stating that the government had violated Hernández’s rights to life and fair trial. 

Hernández was 26 years old when she was killed by a single gunshot to the head. No one was ever charged for the crime. 

The Court’s ruling stated that Honduran authorities did not sufficiently investigate Hernández’s death. Her murder was dismissed quickly as a “crime of passion,” and police failed to interview anyone from the scene or examine the bullet casing. It is unclear whether a postmortem examination was performed. 

Lawyers acting on behalf of Cattrachas, the LGBTQ+ rights organization that brought forward the case, argued that this incomplete investigation was a result of Hernández’s gender identity. Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights reports that during the investigation, authorities continuously identified Hernández as male and referred to her on documents and records by her birth name, which she did not use. In 2009, shortly before Hernández’s killing, Human Rights Watch published a report which found that police in Honduras routinely failed to investigate reports filed by trans people. The report also detailed the harassment and beatings that trans people had endured at the hands of the police. 

Hernández’s murder occurred on June 28, 2009, the first night of a military coup against then-President Manuel Zelaya. Zelaya was taken into custody, and the military imposed a 48-hour curfew, leaving the streets closed to everyone but military and police forces. Hernández was a sex worker, and was still on the street after curfew arrived, along with two other trans women. The three women saw a police car approaching and scattered, fearing violence. The next morning, Hernández’s body was found in the street. 

Due to the circumstances surrounding her death, lawyers for Hernández’s case posited that she was the victim of an extrajudicial killing, meaning that state agents were responsible for her death. Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights points to the execution-style way in which Hernández was shot and the fact that the streets were closed to everyone but police and military forces, as well as the lack of effort put into the criminal investigation. 

In its ruling, the Court found evidence that state agents had participated in Hernández’s death. 

Hernández’s murder was the first in a wave of anti-trans violence that followed the 2009 coup. Cattrachas documented 20 deaths of LGBTQ+ people in the 15 years before the coup, and 31 deaths in the eight months directly afterward. 15 of these 31 people were trans women, like Hernández.

Today, Latin America is still a deadly area for LGBTQ+ people. Research released in 2019 showed that four LGBTQ+ people are murdered every day in Latin America and the Caribbean, with Honduras, Columbia and Mexico accounting for nearly 90 percent of these deaths. In 2020, Human Rights Watch published a follow-up to their 2009 report, which found that LGBTQ+ Hondurans still face rampant discrimination and violence from police and other authorities, as well as from non-state actors. 

Twelve years after Hernández’s murder, Honduras is finally being held accountable for its anti-LGBTQ+ violence and being made to implement reforms. Activists hope that the ruling will encourage other Latin American countries to address their own issues with violence against the LGBTQ+ community. 

The Court’s ruling included orders for the Honduran government to pay reparations to Hernández’s family, restart its investigation into her murder and publicly acknowledge its own role in the event, train security forces on cases involving LGBTQ+ violence, and keep a better record of cases motivated by anti-LGBTQ+ sentiment. The Court also ordered the Honduran government to allow people to change their gender identity in documents and public records, which is a major step forward. The next step is ensuring that Honduras’ new LGBTQ+ legislation is actually enforced. 

Rachel Lynch

Rachel is a student at Sarah Lawrence College in Bronxville, NY currently taking a semester off. She plans to study Writing and Child Development. Rachel loves to travel and is inspired by the places she’s been and everywhere she wants to go. She hopes to educate people on social justice issues and the history and culture of travel destinations through her writing.

Battlefield Reenactments Attract Controversy

Reenactments of the Civil War and World War II help educate the public about important historical events, but they also risk glorifying some of history’s most evil societies. 

Impersonating a Nazi soldier. virtualwayfarer. CC BY-NC 2.0.

Spring, 1944. The American G.I. hid with the Russian partisans, waiting to ambush the Nazi patrol. The Allies were making short work of Hitler’s war machine on both the eastern and western fronts. Still, these soldiers learned that war involves a lot of waiting around. They scoured the forest for the optimal position for attack. Finding an advantage was crucial when fighting the Waffen SS, the most elite Nazi soldiers. When the first round sounded out, the American hid in the underbrush. He managed one kill from his position. When he started moving, the ambusher became the ambushed. Nazis opened fire and shot him down. He lied gasping on the battlefield. 

A while later, he got up and joined the other fallen soldiers, Nazis and partisans alike. They gathered on a dirt path to trade notes on what could have been done to save their lives. Later that night, they enjoyed a hog roast. 

His name is Joe Bish, and he’s a reporter for VICE News. For one day, he partook in a controversial pastime with a group of enthusiastic British history buffs: reenacting World War II battles. It seems innocuous enough for a part-time hobby, yet concerns  arise when half of them don Nazi uniforms for the sake of historical accuracy. 

Nazi reenactors on the move. jcubic. CC BY-SA 2.0.

Such hardcore history buffs brought controversy to an English village in 2018 when a Jewish visitor spotted reenactors moseying through the streets in Nazi uniforms. National media, from The Sun to The Guardian, relayed the visitor’s discomfort and disbelief. Organizers defended the public utility of reenacting history, but reenactors were nonetheless on the defensive. The situation called into question what was thought to be an innocuous, even publicly educational, hobby. 

Such controversies are not exclusively British. In 2010, Rich Iott lost a Congressional election in Ohio after The Atlantic unearthed two pictures of him dressed as a Waffen SS soldier. A favorite among Tea Party candidates, Iott defended his reenactments as a harmless pastime and a father-son bonding experience; he also participated in reenactments as a Union soldier in the Civil War and as an American soldier in both World Wars. Predictably, his statements did little to stymie public outrage. Jewish groups denounced his reenactments, and even fellow Republicans distanced themselves from him. It goes without saying that few people could elect a man they saw dressed as a Nazi soldier.

Recreating war or perpetuating racism? Matthew Straubmuller. CC BY 2.0.

But these controversies are also not just Nazi-related. As debate rages in the United States about the legacy of Confederate monuments, many call into question the need for recreations of Civil War battles. Although many participants are just outdoorsy historians, some blur the line between embodying history and living out a fantasy. The Sons of Confederate Veterans have 30,000 members, many of whom play their Confederate ancestors in historical reenactments. They market themselves as a “non-political heritage organization.” Their website calls the Civil War the “War for Southern Independence” and defines their mission as “the vindication of the cause for which we [the Confederates] fought.” One of their slogans is to “Make Dixie Great Again.” In a multicultural and diverse country, their participation makes reenactments difficult to justify. 

Confederate symbols worryingly overlap with Nazi ones in many international contexts,especially in Germany. Swastikas are banned there, but Confederate flags appeared in great numbers at anti-lockdown demonstrations. To Germans unfamiliar with its historical context, the flag symbolizes rebelliousness. The Confederate flag also appeared at the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. 

The Nazi’s racial heirarchy. Joelk75. CC BY 2.0.

Anti-Blackness appears elsewhere in German culture. Gone with the Wind was a beloved film and smash hit; the book on which it was based sold 300,000 copies in Germany alone. The film romanticized the antebellum South by chronicling dainty balls and gentlemanly courtships while ignoring the plight of the enslaved. Although the film was banned by the Nazis, it remained an influential cultural artifact. Joseph Goebbels, Reich Minister of Propaganda, wrote of the film in his diary, “We will follow this example.”

Riders of Berlin’s subway encounter Germany’s disturbing nostalgia for the American antebellum South on a daily basis at the station named “Onkel Toms Hutte,” or Uncle Tom’s Cabin. The name comes from Harriet Beecher Stowe’s incendiary anti-slavery novel of 1852. Though advocating for the abolition of slavery, the book spread the myth of the “happy slave” among American and international audiences; the book sold widely in Germany. In the early 20th century, the book was cited to justify the racial hierarchies of German colonialism. 

Given the political weight of Confederate flags and Nazi uniforms, historical reenactments remain an embattled practice. COVID-19 caused countless reenactors to forgo battles for the good of public health. Now, many seem reluctant to bring them back. War reenactments serve a valuable function in educating the public about the not-too-distant past, but for some, they don’t tell historic stories—They glorify them. It seems that reenactors, no matter how hard they try to escape into the past, remain bogged down in the present.

Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

LGBTQ+ Activists Fight Anti-Gay Hate in Siberia

In the Siberian tundra, queer folks face conservative attitudes, constant harassment and violence. As a result, the region’s few LGBTQ+ activists struggle to meet their community’s needs. 

A small show of support in Siberia. reassure. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

To this day, Yevgeniy Glebov doesn’t know how the two strangers found his address. Secure in his apartment, he heard a knock at the door. He opened it. They asked, “Aren’t you that gay activist?”

Yevgeniy needed to go to the hospital to recover from his injuries. After he reported the assault, the police closed the case without looking for a suspect. He expected little else from the authorities in Irkutsk Oblast, the Russian federal subject deep in Siberia where he lives and works. His NGO “Time to Act” provides legal, psychological and HIV prevention resources for the region’s LGBTQ+ community. However, this work  also puts a target on his back. Advocating for gay rights is mostly a thankless job, demanding secrecy. For most LGBTQ+ Russians, it’s safer inside the closet than out. 

Gay pride hasn’t yet reached the mainstream in Russia. Homophobia runs rampant in Russian society and riddles the country’s laws. Article 148 of the Russian criminal code gives prosecutors the license to claim any violation of religious practice as a crime, giving them a cudgel against gay rights groups. In 2013, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin signed into the law a ban on “propaganda of nontraditional sexual relations” designed to prevent children from viewing or learning about anything homosexual. These laws reflect widespread disdain and discrimination against queer folks. The bill passed the State Duma with unanimous support. 

Anti-homophobia demonstration in Russia. Marco Fieber. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Homophobia is less rampant in the cultural capitals of Moscow and St. Petersburg. There, gay clubs, beaches and bookstores thrive because of a highly concentAnti-homophobia demonstration in Russia. Marco Fieber. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.rated LGBTQ+ community. On the other hand, in Siberia, the presence of gay life diminishes as the threat of hate-fueled violence increases. Gay men have been lured to online dates in remote locations only to find a violent gang of homophobes when they arrive. Police have been known to abuse queer people as well. Yevgeniy once drove to nearby Angarsk after a supposedly gay boy had been brutalized by two strangers. When he arrived, the police had arrested the boy to accost him about his sexuality, letting the attackers go. 

This environment demands a different approach to LGBTQ+ activism than in Russia’s European part. There, activists like Nikolay Alexeyev vociferously demand their rights. Alexeyev organized the first Moscow Pride parade in 2006, which then mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov deemed “satanic.” The participants in the small parade faced arrests from the police and attacks from Neo-Nazis, but the subsequent, yearly demonstrations made Alexeyev the public face of the gay rights movement. He frequently brings his combative style to TV debate shows. On such a show, he grew so frustrated with a fancifully-hatted woman decrying “homosexual extremism” that he called her a “hag in a hat” and left. 

A protest placard mocking Putin. Marco Fieber. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Alexeyev often makes life difficult for gay activists in far-flung areas of Russia. Yevgeniy claims that the Russians he interacts with on a daily basis aren’t ready for Pride festivals, and that his pugnacity alienates those they need to win over. Irkutsk Oblast is home to 2.5 million people, but only forty LGBT activists, Yevgeniy estimates. His work with Time to Act doesn’t even pay. For money, he works at a local bakery. 

A long road lies ahead for Yevgeniy and his fellow activists. LGBTQ+ folks remain political untouchables across the Russian political spectrum. Even Alexei Navalny, Putin’s most powerful foe, does not touch the issue of gay rights. Amnesty International revoked his status as prisoner of conscience mainly because of his unapologetic xenophobia, but also because of his comments about the LGBTQ+ community. In a recent interview, Navalny repeatedly used a Russian slur to describe gay people. 

In the Soviet era, gay folks, if discovered, were sent to gulags—brutal work camps that relied on the frigid tundra to stop prisoners from escaping. Queer artistic luminaries such as filmmaker Sergey Paradjanov and poet Anna Barkova were enslaved there, leaving a legacy of queer survival. Their spirit invigorates LGBTQ+ activism in Russia; it is sorely needed. Although gulags now sit empty, queer Russians too often find their only safe haven in the closet. 

Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Gen Z’s Online Activism Helps and Harms Social Movements

Gen Z, those currently ages 11-25, have been using the Internet and social media all their lives. More informed about social issues through Instagram and TikTok, they are also more vulnerable to misinformation as much content on such platforms is not fact-checked or verified.

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How Not to Volunteer Abroad: An Interview with Author Pippa Biddle

In her new book, “Ours to Explore: Privilege, Power, and the Paradox of Voluntourism,” Pippa Biddle asks travelers and volunteers to look at the ways their actions affect the global community.

Philippa (Pippa) Biddle is the author of “Ours to Explore: Privilege, Power, and The Paradox of Voluntourism.” Her freelance work has been published by Guernica, The Atlantic, Wired, BBC Travel, AMC Outdoors, Maine magazine and more. You can preorder “Ours to Explore” here. 

Biddle sat down with CATALYST Sarah Leidich to discuss her latest book and offer her take on voluntourism.

Q: What inspired you to write this book? 

A: For me, so much of working on the book was trying to call people into a conversation and call out the industry and not the individual. With voluntourism, so much of the critique has been focused on specific people. 

It actually wasn’t my idea. I wrote a piece called “The Problems of the White Girls” that went viral and a literary agent reached out who suggested that there was a book in it. I spent about a year working with them on a proposal before I realized the book they wanted me to write was not the book I was interested in writing. They really wanted me to write a how-to-do-it-better, and I didn’t want anyone to do it. So why would I take an entire book to do that? But the process of working with them really showed me that there was a book in this—that there was enough material, enough research, enough interest to have a book. 

Q: Before we talk about avoiding it or preventing it, can you define contemporary colonialism? How does it function today?

A: To me, contemporary colonialism is the continuation of colonial ideologies and empires into today. The reason that I use the phrase “contemporary colonialism” as opposed to neocolonialism is because oftentimes, the way we think about colonialism today is informed by and yet somehow held separate from the colonialism of the past and empire-building of the past, specifically empire-building done by Western European and North American powers. In North America, primarily the United States. To me, that differentiation between past and present is completely false. 

It actually allows us to de-implicate ourselves, and by ourselves I mean people who are residents of powerful nations, beneficiaries of power dynamics, and travelers and voluntourists. Contemporary colonialism is simply a different phrase that refers to colonialism that I hope better amplifies the fact that there is that unbroken thread between past colonialism and present colonialism—it’s just modified itself for the present-day environment. 

Q: Is it possible for volunteers to travel abroad without engaging in contemporary colonialism? 

A: I don’t think it’s possible for anyone to travel anywhere without engaging in contemporary colonialism, but engaging with something isn’t in and of itself necessarily problematic. However, you have to recognize it to begin to address the problems with it when it is problematic. Just the fact that some people can travel for leisure and some cannot is an engagement with contemporary colonialism. The fact that I can, pre-pandemic and probably still right now, go to Tanzania and arrive and get a tourist visa for probably $100 and be in the door, but someone from Tanzania cannot reciprocate that action in the United States, is an example of contemporary colonialism, regardless of whether I’m going there to be a volunteer or go on a safari. 

Q: What steps can travelers, especially privileged travelers, take to avoid acts that perpetuate the harmful side effects of travel? 

A: I think that one of the biggest things we need to ask ourselves before booking a trip somewhere is “why are we going there?” I think a lot of travelers don’t take that moment to ask themselves “why do I need to go to this place?” And once they answer that question, to make decisions that fulfill their “why” in the most respectful way possible, which sometimes means not going. For example, if I were to say I really want to go to Ecuador because I’m really fascinated by Ecuadorian cuisine, then if I were to go to Ecuador, I should be focused on eating at restaurants that are owned and run and staffed by Ecuadorians. This sounds like an obvious thing, but most tourists don’t do that extra step. They go somewhere and eat at the places that are easy, that have the menu in English, that the resort has on their short list. The resort is probably foreign-owned, so the restaurants are probably owned by people associated with the resort. 

The whole idea that travel should be something leisurely is really off-base. Travel is not a leisure activity. Travel is an activity that demands conscious engagement and thoughtful consideration, and as long as we treat it as something that is in the same realm as a relaxing day on the beach in your hometown—if you happen to live by the beach—we’re going to be doing it in ways that are disrespectful. 

Q: You write about the tension between communities sometimes believing that voluntourists and missionaries are actually doing good work and then the harmful reality of this kind of travel, volunteering and missionary work. Is there a way to reconcile the relationship between intention, perception and outcome?

A: In the book I use the term “pathological altruism.” Pathological altruism really speaks to this tension, because it is the inability to see that something you are doing with the intention of the impact being positive is having a negative impact, and through that inability to see it, insisting on continuing to do it regardless. I think that the intention to do good is a very good core intention and stripping back to that core intention is a really positive thing, but the idea that intention should be immediately followed by action is misguided. 

I used to work for the Jane Goodall Institute doing educational programming, and one of the things that we brought into classrooms a lot was a thing we called the “Knowledge-Compassion-Action Cycle.” The Knowledge-Compassion-Action Cycle is basically the idea that when we learn about something, we begin to care about it, and once we care about it, we are able to act in the best possible way, and through action you will learn more knowledge. I think a lot of people are skipping that middle part of true, deep knowledge and care. For example, with children in orphanages, if people who chose to volunteer in an orphanage cared about child welfare, and they’re jumping to the idea of volunteering at orphanage, that shows me that they haven’t gone through the knowledge procession and they haven’t gone through the compassion process, because there is no way you go from child welfare to orphanage if you’ve actually gone through that process. It’s trying to integrate more time and education and slowness into what we care about so that we have that time for knowledge and compassion to develop before we choose to take action. 

Q: So if knowledge is developed and compassion is developed, and travelers are moving through the communities with intent, are there changes to the voluntourism industry you would like to see? 

A: Something that makes me nervous about suggesting changes to the voluntourism industry is that it could be misconstrued as me saying that if the industry were to make those changes, it would be OK. That is not what I’m saying. However, there are things that can be done to mitigate the harm as we slowly dismantle voluntourism. The first thing, hands down, is to stop working with kids. Unfortunately, a lot of the trip providers that have stopped working with orphanages have simply pivoted and now take volunteers to work with youth groups, so the only thing that’s changed is that it’s not a residential environment, but so many of the same issues still exist. Honestly, if voluntourism stops working with kids, a fair amount of the market for voluntourism will dry up because the number one thing people want to do on these trips is work with kids. If that is not an option, the industry will shrink. 

Parallel to that, I am adamant that prospective voluntourists deeply engage in the education around what they’re taking part in. One of the things I write about in the book is the “EdGE” platform by Omprakash, which is a nonprofit. EdGE is their learning platform, and EdGE is not perfect and Omprakash is not perfect, and Willy Oppenheim, the founder, is the first to admit that. But it provides trip providers and educational institutions that are facilitating voluntourism, as well as individual travelers that are going on their own, with a curriculum that attempts to educate them on some issues like White privilege and the White savior complex prior to them getting on the ground, so they go through the learning curve that I had years after going before they even go. Does that mean they will not be part of the White savior complex and White privilege? No, but it is a really important step. 

Q: How would you encourage people who are looking to be philanthropic or looking to help? What would you say to them? 

A: Think global, act local. Learn about global issues, engage in global conversations, learn about places, travel as a tourist who is respectful and thoughtful, but you have to remember that even the opportunity to travel is a privilege. If we have this idea that the only way to help is by going somewhere else, we are discounting billions of people on this planet who simply don’t have access to that opportunity. So think global, and then when you choose to act, look locally. 

Sarah Leidich

Whatever it is, the way you tell your story online can make all the difference.

Sarah is currently an English and Film major at Barnard College of Columbia University. Sarah is inspired by global art in every form, and hopes to explore the intersection of activism, art, and storytelling through her writing. 

LGBTQ+ Intolerance in Ghana Reaches Boiling Point 

Tensions within the West African country have risen following the recent restriction of LGBTQ+ rights, resurfacing the decades long discussion regarding the criminalization of same-sex conduct.   

Pride flag waving in the sky. Tim Bieler. Unsplash. 

The newly established office of nonprofit organization LGBT+ Rights Ghana was raided and searched by police last month, endangering one of the only safe spaces for LGBTQ+ people in the country. This raid came mere days after Ghanaian journalist Ignatius Annor came out as gay on live television, and many have speculated that the raid was in retaliation of that moment. 

Given Ghana’s criminalization of same-sex conduct, it is not a stretch to say that homophobia runs rampant and unchecked, especially when considering the widespread opposition from both government officials and religious figures regarding the construction of the center for LGBT+ Rights Ghana.   

The building has been under scrutiny since it first opened back in January. Only three weeks after opening its doors to the public, the organization had to temporarily close in order to protect its staff and visitors from angry protesters. The director of the organization, Alex Kofi Donkor, explained how the community “expected some homophobic organizations would use the opportunity to exploit the situation and stoke tensions against the community, but the anti-gay hateful reaction has been unprecedented.”   

This unprovoked suppression of basic freedoms indicates that LGBTQ+ intolerance in Ghana has reached a boiling point and is about to bubble over. 

Aerial shot of Accra, Ghana. Virgyl Sowah. Unsplash. 

News of the situation reached a handful of high-profile celebrities such as Idris Elba and Naomi Campbell, who joined 64 other public figures in publishing an open letter of solidarity with the Ghanaian LGBTQ+ community using #GhanaSupportsEquality. While prejudice has only recently garnered public attention due to the letter, blatant and widespread homophobia in Ghana has run rampant for years. 

According to a study conducted by the Human Rights Watch in 2017, hate crimes and assault due to one's sexual identity are regular occurrences in Ghana. Dozens of people have been attacked by mobs and even family members out of mere speculation that they were gay. Furthermore, the study found that for women, much of this aggressive homophobia was happening behind closed doors through the pressures of coerced marriage. 

Consider 24-year-old Khadija, who identifies as lesbian and will soon begin pursuing relationships with men due to the societal pressure for women to marry. Or 21-year-old Aisha, who was exiled by her family and sent to a “deliverance” church camp after she was outed as lesbian. 

Marriage pressures and intolerances are certainly prevalent in other countries as well, even in those often deemed progressive. The big difference is that in many countries, homophobic beliefs are slowly becoming less and less common. In Ghana, it seems as though these sentiments are normalized and held by the majority of people. 

The precedent for discrimination based on sexual orientation was set as early as 2011, when former Western Region minister Paul Evans Aidoo called for the immediate arrest of LGBTQ+ people in the area. The stigma that actions like this produced in Ghana have only been amplified over time when coupled with religious and cultural tensions. 

A rainbow forms above a home in Kumasi, Ghana. Ritchie. Unsplash. 

Many victims of hate crimes or abuse in Ghana reported that because of the codified homophobia in the country, they are unable to report their experiences to local authorities without putting themselves in danger. As a result, LGBTQ+ Ghanaians find themselves stuck in a perpetual cycle of making slight progress just for higher authorities to snatch it away. 

There have been countless opportunities for legalized discrimination to be addressed, and ever since current Ghanaian President Nana Akufo-Addo assumed office in 2017, he has been under immense pressure to announce his official position on homosexuality. Four years later, he has still not done so.

Instead of embracing the shift toward more inclusive policies supported by LGBT+ Rights Ghana, the Ghanaian government appears to be succumbing to public pressures in an attempt to keep peace. What it fails to realize is that sweeping inequalities under the carpet doesn’t make them go away. It actually does quite the opposite. It heightens inequalities until they become absolutely impossible to avoid. Celebrity involvement in dismantling Ghana’s current system has caused quite the public reaction. It may end up being the spark that causes the Ghanaian government to reconsider its policies and begin to offer LGBTQ+ people the respect and protection they deserve. 

Zara Irshad

Zara is a third year Communication student at the University of California, San Diego. Her passion for journalism comes from her love of storytelling and desire to learn about others. In addition to writing at CATALYST, she is an Opinion Writer for the UCSD Guardian, which allows her to incorporate various perspectives into her work.

High Schools in Rome Increase Support for Transgender Students

In the Roman Catholic stronghold of Italy, Rome’s high school students have sped up the city’s journey toward acceptance of transgender individuals. 

Transgender flag. User:torbakhopper. CC BY-SA 3.0.

Despite the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic, the high school community of Rome has been making strides toward the advancement of LGBTQ+ rights. Recently, a handful of high schools in the city have decided to allow transgender students the right to go by their chosen name. This is a stark change from the previous method of using a transgender person’s name given at birth, known as their “dead” name. The high schools that have made this change lag behind the city’s universities, with some colleges already having given transgender students the right. 

Although the act itself seems small, it is a substantial gesture within the context of the transgender community. Upon hearing the news, students have expressed great relief; many see this step as a beacon of hope toward full transgender visibility in Italy. The country’s LGBTQ+ community currently deals with hate crimes, some of which have been so violent that victims have required reconstructive surgery. For Italy, the flaw is in the law; there is a law prohibiting crimes based on religion and race, but none exists for acts based on gender or sexual orientation. The largest change benefiting the transgender community occurred in 1982, when the Sex Reassignment Act legalized that procedure. 

School officials in Rome believe that this change will help to protect students by creating a sense of security and peace in their learning environment. The first students to experience the change in rules hope that they will pave the way for an easier education for future transgender individuals, many of whom face large-scale bullying. 

In a study on LGBTQ+ tolerance conducted by the Williams Institute, Italy fell quite far behind some of its European counterparts. Italy sat at 30th place in the ranking while Iceland and the Netherlands snagged the first two slots. The prevalence of the Roman Catholic Church, which does not condone LGBTQ+ behavior, has much to do with the country’s lower score. 

This step has been a significant one for Italy, but much work remains to be done. With a smoother education now in store, these students hope that they are just the group to bring about further change. 

Ella Nguyen

Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.

India’s Silk Industry: A Hub For Modern Slavery

Despite global efforts to eliminate the practice, modern-day slavery still widely exists. In India, the silk industry continues to serve as an oppressive stronghold for the practice. 

Indian workers. Photo by Sujeeth Potla on Unsplash

The silk industry in India is not to be underestimated; it employs hundreds of thousands of workers and is worth over $3.6 billion annually. However, as with many booming industries, a dark side lingers in the background. In southwest India lies Karnataka state, a hub for many of the nation’s age-old industries including silk production. Although justly paid workers exist, a sizable portion remain stuck in a taxing system known as “bonded labor.” 

What is “Bonded Labor”?

Although not explicitly mentioned in the phrase, “bonded labor” is actually a form of modern-day slavery. Bonded labor is when someone is forced to work off an imposed debt, where their captivity is known as “debt bondage.” In this system, the victims are often promised employment or an opportunity they cannot afford to refuse, and are then forcefully kept as workers. Their pay is usually minuscule compared to the debt amassed, and as a result, the employers are able to continually pile on debt over time. The dynamic transitions from employer-employee to that of a master and a slave. 

Additionally, the work is often arduous and the masters are even more unrelentingly brutal; abuse is commonplace in the system. As a result, many families attempt to escape, only to find that the support system for a successful departure is at best a bare-bones operation if not entirely absent. Many authorities who are meant to help these victims escape partner instead with the perpetrators; corruption bleeds away most hope of an escape.

However, one way out does exist. Victims are able to apply for a certificate of release, which would trigger an investigation to either approve or deny the request. Frequently these attempts fall through, often due to failure on the part of the authorities. 

Although the use of bonded labor remains widespread, it is most extensively used in South and Southeast Asia. Oftentimes debt laborers work off family debts, held hostage due to a loan taken by their parents or grandparents. 

How Did Bonded Labor Spread in India?

Bonded labor has been illegal in India since the Bonded Labor System Act of 1976, but this law failed to provide substantial change. It is estimated that over 8 million bonded laborers still exist in India, with experts fearing this statistic to be a gross underestimation. Rarely are those found guilty of violating the Bonded Labor System Act forced to serve out their punishment. 

Many human rights groups have pooled their efforts to research the extent of the system’s damage. What was found revealed grotesque physical, emotional and verbal abuse of children forced into bonded labor in the silk industry. Children of all ages, even as little as 5, were found to work 12-hour days nearly every day of the week; they do not attend school. Their work included placing their hands in boiling water and breathing in lung-blackening fumes; the children are not provided health care either, and often succumb to injuries. 

Human rights groups have stated that the Indian government is fully aware of this ongoing crime, yet fails to act on the victims’ behalf. It seems that corruption, combined with the consequences of the restrictive caste system, has left little hope for the estimated 350,000 children held in the silk industry’s bonded labor system. 

In the early 1990s, human rights groups sparked global outrage about the situation of India’s children, causing  the government to act. The Indian Supreme Court passed additional laws in 1996 to protect children in harmful workspaces, yet the government has failed to bring about any meaningful change. India’s National Human Rights Commission was brought in to spearhead proceedings, but very few perpetrators ever faced justice. 

The impact of the system is devastating as it enslaves whole families and sometimes even future generations. Until justice is truly served, victims of bonded labor will continue to be denied freedom.

To Get Involved:

To learn how Free the Slaves, an organization dedicated to sustainable freedom, helps victims, click here. 

To read about Anti-Slavery International, the world’s oldest anti-slavery organization, click here.

Ella Nguyen

Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.

America’s Prison Abolition Movement Fights On

The United States is home to nearly 25% of the world’s prison population. Activists are fighting to dismantle the prison system, hoping to strengthen communities instead. 

Protest against police brutality in Minnesota, 2013. Fibonacci Blue. CC BY 2.0   

The United States maintains the highest prison population rate in the world. Despite making up only 5% of the world’s population, the United States is home to 25% of the world’s prisoners. There is no question that the United States has a mass incarceration problem. For decades, activists have argued that the prison system perpetuates racism, sexism and inequality, leading to what is often seen as a radical solution: prison abolition. 

In the wake of the recent stream of anti-police brutality protests, discussion has turned toward prison abolition. Prison abolition is not just about getting rid of physical prisons; abolitionists aim to undo societal structures that lead to incarceration, known as the prison-industrial complex. The prison-industrial complex is a term used to describe “the overlapping interests of government and industry that use surveillance, policing and imprisonment as solutions to economic, social and political problems.” Prison abolition is really the abolition of the prison-industrial complex, with the ultimate goal being to eliminate policing, imprisonment and surveillance and to redistribute government spending from these industries to support housing, education, jobs and health care. 

The concept of prison abolition has been around since the 1980s. Following the war on drugs, which increased prison sentences for both drug dealers and users and more than doubled the prison population from 1980 to 2000, activists began protesting the prison system. They argued that too many nonviolent offenders were being incarcerated, that wealth inequality was a major factor in who was locked up, and that people of color were disproportionately imprisoned. Black and Hispanic people in the U.S. are still incarcerated at higher rates than White people, data shows. The movement gained prominence in the 1990s, when Angela Davis and Ruth Wilson Gilmore co-founded Critical Resistance, a national anti-prison organization with a focus on the prison-industrial complex and abolition. In 1998, Critical Resistance hosted a three-day conference to examine and challenge the prison-industrial complex. The conference was considered a success, but made clear how much work still had to be done to undo a society that maintains mass incarceration. 

“The abolition movement focuses on preventive rather than punitive measures.”

Skeptics of the abolition movement often ask what will happen to violent offenders, like murderers and rapists, if prisons are shut down. The movement’s supporters have two responses. First, abolition activists ask: is the current prison-industrial complex actually effectively addressing the issues behind rape and murder? Most activists say no. Despite the copious amounts of money funneled into supporting the prison-industrial complex annually, the threats of sexual assault and murder, among other crimes, are still sources of concern across the country. The prison-industrial complex locks criminals up, but has not actually addressed the root of the crimes in society. Plus, as prison abolition activist Woods Ervin points out, the prison-industrial complex itself perpetuates some crimes, like when prison guards sexually assault incarcerated people. Second, supporters point out that abolitionists want to help communities address underlying issues, like wealth inequality, that contribute to the rise of crime in the first place. Abolitionists want to build up infrastructures in communities in order to reduce interpersonal issues and create a world where people don’t feel driven into committing crimes. The abolition movement focuses on preventive rather than punitive measures. Ultimately, how crime is dealt with after prison abolition “is going to depend on each scenario,” Ervin says, and on the community in which it takes place. 

Prisons won’t be shut down tomorrow, but activists in the abolition movement are fighting to ensure that prisons will one day be obsolete, and communities will have a stronger foundation to deal with eliminating inequality. The recent killings by police officers and subsequent anti-police brutality protests have illuminated some of the issues with the prison-industrial complex, and highlight the need for a new system. 

To Get Involved: 

To locate your local chapter of Critical Resistance, the national anti-prison organization, and find information on volunteer opportunities or how to become a member, click here.

Rachel Lynch

Rachel is a student at Sarah Lawrence College in Bronxville, NY currently taking a semester off. She plans to study Writing and Child Development. Rachel loves to travel and is inspired by the places she’s been and everywhere she wants to go. She hopes to educate people on social justice issues and the history and culture of travel destinations through her writing.

By Refusing an Apology to Algeria, France Shows Colonialism is Far from Over

Algerian architecture reflects continued French influence post-decolonization. mariusz kluzniak. CC BY-NC-NC 2.0.

French President Emmanuel Macron announced on Jan. 20 that he has ruled out issuing an official apology to the country of Algeria for past colonial abuses. This follows 59 years of tense relations between the two nations after the conclusion of the Algerian War in 1962, which marked the end of official French colonialism in the North African country.

The announcement comes as a result of a highly anticipated report on the matter of French-Algerian relations commissioned by Macron in 2020. Rather than a formal apology, the report recommends a “memories and truth” commission to review French colonialism in Algeria. Macron committed to setting up the commission in a statement.

The French occupation of Algeria began with an invasion in 1830, and lasted up until 1962 with the end of the Algerian War, which led to independence. During the 132 years of colonial rule, the French committed a number of atrocities against Algerians, including the massacre of an estimated 500,000 to 1 million Algerians throughout the first three decades of conquest, the forced deportation of native Algerian groups and the use of systematic torture against Algerians during the country’s war for independence.

Since Algeria gained independence, the French government has largely remained silent in regard to the atrocities inflicted during the colonial era. In fact, Macron was the first French president to acknowledge the use of torture during the war for independence when he did so in 2018. Macron has since gone on to demand further accountability, including calls for all archives detailing the disappearance of Algerians during the war. However, the Jan. 20 announcement signals that an official apology remains out of the realm of possibilities for the time being.

Decolonization Efforts Remain a Global Necessity

Protesters marching in Philadelphia in support of Puerto Rican independence in 2018. Joe Piette. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

Macron’s announcement is the latest reminder of the continued stains of colonialism which remain in the 21st century. While many former colonial powers like France have largely dismantled their empires and relinquished control to local populations, colonialism and the occupation of Indgenous lands still persists to this day around the world.

Both France and the United Kingdom notably retain overseas territories which are remnants of the heights of their empires. France retains varying administrative control in 11 regions outside of Europe, with a combined population of nearly 2.8 million. Conversely, the British control 14 territories which do not form a part of the United Kingdom itself or its European crown dependencies, representing a combined population of approximately 250,000.

Colonialism, however, is by no means limited to European powers, nor is the process itself a relic of the past. The United States, a country whose foundation is rooted in settler colonialism, retains control over five inhabited territories spread across the Pacific and Atlantic oceans which have a combined population of just over 3.5 million, all of whom are ineligible to vote in federal elections. Likewise, Hawaii’s inclusion in the United States as a state is a result of colonialism in the region where the U.S. systematically undermined native rule throughout the 1800s. 

Japan, a country which saw the height of its empire come to an end during World War II, retains control over Hokkaido and Okinawa, two islands with distinct Indigenous populations which have both seen independence movements throughout their time with the country.

China is an example of contemporary colonialism: while not specifically setting up colonies in overseas regions, the country invests billions of dollars in projects to develop African nations on largely unfavorable terms, creates artificial islands in the South China Sea to exercise dominance in the region, and continues to squash independence movements in Tibet and Hong Kong.

While movements for independence, apologies and reparations exist to varying extents in all of these regions, the scars of colonialism persist to this day and remain a contemporary issue unlikely to be resolved in the near future.

Jacob Sutherland

Jacob is a recent graduate from the University of California San Diego where he majored in Political Science and minored in Spanish Language Studies. He previously served as the News Editor for The UCSD Guardian, and hopes to shed light on social justice issues in his work.

‘Bad Students’: Thai High Schoolers Turned Political Activists

What started as a group of students protesting clothing and hair restrictions has turned into a political activism movement thousands strong. Thailand’s “Bad Students” are protesting a military-backed government and calling for reforms to the constitution and monarchy. 

On Nov. 21, thousands of pro-democracy activists gathered in downtown Bangkok to protest Thailand’s royalist, military-backed government. Some protesters came dressed as dinosaurs, in large, inflatable T-Rex suits, while others carried balloons shaped like meteors calling for the end of the “dinosaur age,” a reference to the conservative attitudes of government officials. The protesters called for the resignation of the current government, headed by Premier Prayut Chan-o-cha, a former army chief, as well as a new constitution to replace the current one, which was written by the military. 

Ahead of the protest, three of its organizers were summoned to a police station for questioning: 16-year-old Benjamaporn Nivas and two boys, also high school students. The three teenagers are some of the leaders of the “Bad Students,” a group of pro-democracy students in Thailand that has joined the broader protests against the government. 

At first, the Bad Students were focused solely on education reform; they wanted a complete overhaul of the education system, which they say promotes conformity and blind obedience through rote learning and whitewashed history. In August, hundreds of students gathered outside the education minister’s office, demanding no uniforms, no restrictions on hair length, and a modern curriculum. Since becoming a democracy, Thailand has had 13 successful coups, but textbooks ignore pro-democracy history and instead promote the monarchy. Following the August protest, the Bad Students also insisted that the education minister resign, distributing thousands of copies of a mock resignation letter and later even staging a mock funeral for him. 

Shortly after their August protest, the Bad Students realized that they would never achieve the reforms they wanted under the current government. Nivas said they learned that “the education ministry is just one part of a bigger, rotten system from the past that needs to be changed,” and that the voices of the Bad Students would be more useful if they joined the broader pro-democracy movements. 

Thailand has been at least a nominal democracy since 1932, when it abolished absolute monarchy in favor of constitutional monarchy. Over the years, Thailand has been mostly ruled by military governments, with its monarch serving as head of state. In addition to condemning Chan-o-cha’s military-backed rule, protesters have criticized the monarchy for spending Thai tax revenue and endorsing the military’s role in politics. Maha Vajiralongkorn, Thailand’s current monarch, is being pressured to remain bound by the constitution, to cut ties with the military-led establishment, to open palace books to the public for scrutiny and to repeal Thailand’s lèse-majesté law, which allows imprisonment for defamation of any member of the royal family.  

The government did not give ground to pro-democracy activists after the Nov. 21 protest. Chan-o-cha issued a warning that all laws, including lèse-majesté, would continue to be enforced. With neither the government nor the protesters changing their stance, some experts worry that the situation could descend into violence. Others, however, are hopeful. Chan-o-cha appeared in constitutional court on Dec. 2 for a minor infringement, and some saw this appearance as a way for the government to remove him as premier by legal means, thereby ousting him without giving in to the demands of the protesters. The Bad Students and other pro-democracy groups continue to plan, holding rallies and protests while advocating for change and a greater voice for the people. 

To Get Involved: 

To take action to support the pro-democracy movements in Thailand, sign the Amnesty International petition to defend peaceful protesters here. 

Rachel Lynch

Rachel is a student at Sarah Lawrence College in Bronxville, NY currently taking a semester off. She plans to study Writing and Child Development. Rachel loves to travel and is inspired by the places she’s been and everywhere she wants to go. She hopes to educate people on social justice issues and the history and culture of travel destinations through her writing.




Rising Tensions in Ethiopia’s Tigray Region Pose Dangers for Millions

The East African country has recently been overrun by natural disasters, COVID-19 and internal violence.

A refugee camp in Ethiopia. Oberhaus. CC2.0

Rising tensions in northern Ethiopia’s Tigray region pose a severe threat for the East African country and for stability across the Horn of Africa. Most urgently, the fighting places millions of people in danger and in dire need of humanitarian assistance.  

Map of Ethiopia’s regions, with Tigray in the far north. Jfblanc. CC4.0

An Overview of the Conflict in Tigray

Ethiopia, the largest and most populous country in the Horn of Africa region, is home to many different religions, languages and ethnic groups. The recent fighting is taking place in Tigray, Ethiopia’s northernmost region along the border with Eritrea. The conflict is between Ethiopia’s central government led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The TPLF came to power in 1991 and established a coalition where Ethiopia was divided into 10 distinct regions that each had political autonomy, allowing the TPLF to become a key player in Ethiopian politics. The TPLF remained in power for 27 years until rising concerns of political corruption and human rights abuses resulted in nationwide protests. As a result, Abiy Ahmed was elected the prime minister of Ethiopia in 2018 and began to reduce the TPLF’s power. While Ahmed advocates for a strong federal government that unites all Ethiopians regardless of ethnicity, the TPLF wants more political autonomy and sees Ahmed’s central government as a hindrance to the TPLF’s political agenda. 

The current dispute began when the TPLF wanted to hold a regional election in September. Prime Minister Ahmed denied the request, since all national elections in Ethiopia were canceled due to COVID-19. Fighting began on Nov. 4 when Tigrayan forces were accused of attacking a military base belonging to Ahmed’s government. The violence in the region continues to escalate. 

Abiy Ahmed is widely recognized for brokering peace and ending a military conflict with neighboring Eritrea, an effort that resulted in Ahmed receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019. However the current escalating violence is causing the international community to raise its eyebrows. According to Kjetil Tronvoll, a scholar of Ethiopian politics at Bjorknes University College in Norway, “The Nobel Peace Prize has until recently shielded Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed from international scrutiny and criticism. However, the warfare on Tigray has opened the eyes of many diplomats to the way political power is wielded in Ethiopia.”

Rwandan President Paul Kagame (left) and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (right). Kagame. CC2.0

What is Happening Now? 

On Nov. 28, the Ethiopian army gained control of the Tigrayan regional capital of Mekelle, with Prime Minister Ahmed declaring victory shortly thereafter. However, Tigrayan forces have yet to surrender. Since the conflict began, telephone, internet and road access to the Tigray region has been suspended, making it difficult to know what is happening on the ground. Shortly after Ahmed declared victory, rockets were fired at the Eritrean capital of Asmara, where according to the U.S. embassy, “Six explosions occurred in the city at about 10:13 p.m.” The Ethiopian government has declared a six-month-long state of emergency in the Tigray region. There is concern that the conflict could exacerbate ethnic division in other parts of Ethiopia, or even spread to neighboring countries such as Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia. With the conflict having no end in sight, it is unclear to predict whether current military efforts are enough to end the fighting.

Refugee children in Ethiopia. United Nations Photo. CC2.0

Impact on Internally Displaced People and Refugees

Before the recent fighting broke out in Tigray, the region was already home to over 200,000 refugees, the majority coming from Eritrea. The current fighting is estimated to affect over 2 million people, with larger estimates of up to 9 million. As many as 43,000 have already fled to neighboring countries, with Sudan preparing to accept as many as 200,000 refugees. Thousands of people are internally displaced in Shire, near the border with Eritrea. Aid groups are urging the Ethiopian government to allow access to roads crucial to the Tigray region. This year has been especially difficult in Ethiopia, as a devastating locust outbreak, floods and the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic have ravaged the country. According to the International Rescue Committee, the most important thing that can be done by forces is to adhere to international law, ensure that schools, hospitals and homes are not targets, and allow humanitarian aid to get to where it is needed. 

To Get Involved:

Check out the International Rescue Committee, a global aid and development organization providing crucial humanitarian assistance to communities in Tigray, here. 


Click here to access the website of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which is working to establish a new shelter site for Tigrayan refugees in Sudan.

Megan Gürer

Megan is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

No Peace for the People: Ethiopia’s Ethnic Groups Targeted

While citizens and officials alike fear a potential civil war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, the country’s ethnic groups have become targets of violence. Many fear that the current struggles deepen existing ethnic divides. 

Women of the Tigray region in Ethiopia. Rod Waddington. CC BY-SA 2.0. 

Over the past several weeks, the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia has exploded into violence. The current conflict comes after years of mounting tensions between the elected government of the Tigray region and the federal government. The postponement of the September election sparked the most recent series of violent acts; existing ethnic tensions have now transformed into the slaughtering of local ethnic groups, forcing many to flee for safety in Sudan. 

A Rising Civil War 

The tensions in Ethiopia trace back along a labyrinthine history of political unrest, with the primary combatants being the proponents of the federal government and the officials in the Tigray region. Fighting escalated when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed accused the Tigray region of attacking a federal military base and responded by sending an attack on the region. However, underlying issues began back in 2018 when Ahmed was first elected. 

For decades, Ethiopia’s main political party was the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, which began around 1991 when the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) aided the overthrow of the previously Marxist government. Up until 2018, the party had controlled both the political and economic components of the country. With Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s election, the TPLF’s power within the party it founded began to quickly disappear. Ahmed removed and attempted to convict many officials through potentially corrupt means, many of whom escaped to the Tigray region. He also attempted to combine parties that followed ethnic lines, which deepened divides among the groups. 

In response to the prime minister’s recent postponement of the election, the unofficial leaders of the Tigray region made a decision no one in the country had done before: they held their own election. Tigray threatened secession, which is upheld in the nation’s constitution. The federal government, though, responded by withdrawing aid from Tigray and sending in troops. 

Ethnic Targeting

Now that the violence has furthered into increasing physical confrontation, many ethnic groups in Ethiopia feel under attack. Recent killings have left ethnic Tigrayans and ethnic Amharas slaughtered in the streets. Calls for peace talks between the two groups have been rejected, and now nearly 15,000 people have fled for safety. 

There are major criticisms on both sides, with calls for the TPLF’s unconditional surrender coming from the federal government. Meanwhile, the regional government of Tigray has been accused of igniting fear that is believed to have fed into the violent slaughtering of ethnic Amharas. 

Officials fear that these killings could turn into an ethnic cleansing and genocide. Tigrayan locals are dealing with the bulk of the chaos; many are being taken in for questioning and are too fearful to contact family members outside of the region. 

Experts warn that Ethiopia’s history of ethnic conflict will likely repeat itself as the nation spirals into political disarray. Only the potential for peace now holds the nation together as its ethnic groups continue to clash. 

Ella Nguyen

Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.