COVID-19 Slows Africa’s Progress Against Poaching

Poaching is a last resort for villagers who lost their jobs due to COVID-19 lockdowns. Conservationists now struggle to preserve endangered species. 

A valuable commodity. valentinastorti. CC BY-NC 2.0.

They march through the field with chainsaws, the rhinos sedated. What follows is no gruesome act of poaching. It’s the exact opposite. Workers at the Spioenkop Nature Reserve in South Africa’s KwaZulu-Natal province rev their chainsaws and go to work sawing off the rhino horns. “It has a face mask put on it to cover its vision, it has earplugs put into its ears [...] so that reduces trauma to the animal,” says Mark Gerrard of Wildlife ACT, a nonprofit that protects African wildlife. “We’ve got to remind ourselves that this [a rhino’s horn] is just keratin—this is really just fingernails.” 

These rhinos’ horns will grow back in 18 to 24 months, but in the meantime, poachers won’t hunt them for the priceless commodity. Armed with only chainsaws and sedatives, the conservationists at the reserve are combating Africa’s interminable poaching problem. If a rhino has no horns, poachers have no reason to kill it. This fact doesn’t make the job any easier. “It is a traumatic experience for us,” Gerrard says, “not for the rhino.”

Spioenkop Nature Reserve has fared unusually well in its fight against poaching. Out of 15,600 rhinos in South Africa, 1,175 were killed by poachers in 2014. In 2015, the country began dehorning rhinos to considerable success. By 2019, the number of dead rhinos had fallen to 594. By 2020, it was 394. Nevertheless, Gerrard defines a truly successful dehorning effort as “zero animals poached.”

Two big cats, two big trophies. DappleRose. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

It will be a hard goal to reach. After COVID-19 effectively shut down international travel, tourism revenue in Africa plummeted, leaving conservationists cash-strapped in their anti-poaching campaigns. Spioenkop Nature Reserve has struggled to patrol its vast territory, but the issue goes beyond just South Africa. Wildlife tourism generates $29 billion each year and employs 3.6 million workers across Africa. The lack of sufficient funds for anti-poaching efforts is a continent-wide problem.

In Zambia’s Kafue National Park, poaching takes place at the edges of the park, where patrols have been cut back. In 2020, the park reported a 170% increase in snares, which snag wild cats. That same year, two lions were killed while none had been slain the year before. More disconcerting, patrollers increasingly find poached animals gored for “buck meat.” Poor local villagers, desperate from COVID-19 lockdowns, have joined poachers in the hunt to earn a living and put food on the table.

By and large, however, poaching is the work of international crime syndicates working in the black market. Some conservationists advocate legalizing the sale of poached items such as rhino horns and ivory to lower the market value, reducing profits for poachers. In Kenya, courts have buffed up their prosecution efforts, leading to a precipitous drop in poaching. Dedicated legal teams actively pursue convictions for poaching, and those caught red-handed face long prison sentences and fines of up to $200,000. Still, the black market provides lucrative opportunities for locals willing to break the law in hopes of amassing a fortune. A 35-pound black rhino horn can be worth up to $2 million. For poor Africans, the opportunity is often irresistible. 

Confiscated rhino horns. USFWS Headquarters. CC BY 2.0.

At Mpala, a research center in central Kenya, patrols have adopted a digital approach to combat rampant poaching. They use the SMART app (spatial monitoring and reporting tool) to track every animal a patrol encounters—alive or dead. It also allows them to track people seen infiltrating the parks. Conservationists are attempting to make up in brainpower what they lack in manpower; less tourism revenue led to slashed budgets, which meant fewer patrols. However, park managers agree that addressing the root cause of poaching, poverty, is the best solution to the problem. In this regard, nobody seems to have an answer.

So the traumatic work of sawing off rhino horns in Spioenkop continues. “We cannot let our guard down,” says Elise Serfontein of the organization Stop Rhino Poaching. “The kingpins and illicit markets are still out there, and even losing one rhino a day means that they are chipping away at what’s left of our national herd.” With one rhino’s horn sheared to a nub, the team moves on to the next. The rhino sleeps in the field as they approach. One member revs the chainsaw and begins cutting. White flakes flutter through the air like dust. 

Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

LGBTQ+ Intolerance in Ghana Reaches Boiling Point 

Tensions within the West African country have risen following the recent restriction of LGBTQ+ rights, resurfacing the decades long discussion regarding the criminalization of same-sex conduct.   

Pride flag waving in the sky. Tim Bieler. Unsplash. 

The newly established office of nonprofit organization LGBT+ Rights Ghana was raided and searched by police last month, endangering one of the only safe spaces for LGBTQ+ people in the country. This raid came mere days after Ghanaian journalist Ignatius Annor came out as gay on live television, and many have speculated that the raid was in retaliation of that moment. 

Given Ghana’s criminalization of same-sex conduct, it is not a stretch to say that homophobia runs rampant and unchecked, especially when considering the widespread opposition from both government officials and religious figures regarding the construction of the center for LGBT+ Rights Ghana.   

The building has been under scrutiny since it first opened back in January. Only three weeks after opening its doors to the public, the organization had to temporarily close in order to protect its staff and visitors from angry protesters. The director of the organization, Alex Kofi Donkor, explained how the community “expected some homophobic organizations would use the opportunity to exploit the situation and stoke tensions against the community, but the anti-gay hateful reaction has been unprecedented.”   

This unprovoked suppression of basic freedoms indicates that LGBTQ+ intolerance in Ghana has reached a boiling point and is about to bubble over. 

Aerial shot of Accra, Ghana. Virgyl Sowah. Unsplash. 

News of the situation reached a handful of high-profile celebrities such as Idris Elba and Naomi Campbell, who joined 64 other public figures in publishing an open letter of solidarity with the Ghanaian LGBTQ+ community using #GhanaSupportsEquality. While prejudice has only recently garnered public attention due to the letter, blatant and widespread homophobia in Ghana has run rampant for years. 

According to a study conducted by the Human Rights Watch in 2017, hate crimes and assault due to one's sexual identity are regular occurrences in Ghana. Dozens of people have been attacked by mobs and even family members out of mere speculation that they were gay. Furthermore, the study found that for women, much of this aggressive homophobia was happening behind closed doors through the pressures of coerced marriage. 

Consider 24-year-old Khadija, who identifies as lesbian and will soon begin pursuing relationships with men due to the societal pressure for women to marry. Or 21-year-old Aisha, who was exiled by her family and sent to a “deliverance” church camp after she was outed as lesbian. 

Marriage pressures and intolerances are certainly prevalent in other countries as well, even in those often deemed progressive. The big difference is that in many countries, homophobic beliefs are slowly becoming less and less common. In Ghana, it seems as though these sentiments are normalized and held by the majority of people. 

The precedent for discrimination based on sexual orientation was set as early as 2011, when former Western Region minister Paul Evans Aidoo called for the immediate arrest of LGBTQ+ people in the area. The stigma that actions like this produced in Ghana have only been amplified over time when coupled with religious and cultural tensions. 

A rainbow forms above a home in Kumasi, Ghana. Ritchie. Unsplash. 

Many victims of hate crimes or abuse in Ghana reported that because of the codified homophobia in the country, they are unable to report their experiences to local authorities without putting themselves in danger. As a result, LGBTQ+ Ghanaians find themselves stuck in a perpetual cycle of making slight progress just for higher authorities to snatch it away. 

There have been countless opportunities for legalized discrimination to be addressed, and ever since current Ghanaian President Nana Akufo-Addo assumed office in 2017, he has been under immense pressure to announce his official position on homosexuality. Four years later, he has still not done so.

Instead of embracing the shift toward more inclusive policies supported by LGBT+ Rights Ghana, the Ghanaian government appears to be succumbing to public pressures in an attempt to keep peace. What it fails to realize is that sweeping inequalities under the carpet doesn’t make them go away. It actually does quite the opposite. It heightens inequalities until they become absolutely impossible to avoid. Celebrity involvement in dismantling Ghana’s current system has caused quite the public reaction. It may end up being the spark that causes the Ghanaian government to reconsider its policies and begin to offer LGBTQ+ people the respect and protection they deserve. 

Zara Irshad

Zara is a third year Communication student at the University of California, San Diego. Her passion for journalism comes from her love of storytelling and desire to learn about others. In addition to writing at CATALYST, she is an Opinion Writer for the UCSD Guardian, which allows her to incorporate various perspectives into her work.

A Closer Look at East Africa’s Human-Elephant Conflict

For farming communities in East Africa, elephants pose a danger to survival. Consuming up to 1,000 lbs of food a day, they destroy farmers crops in hours, cause injury and even death. While poaching is publicized, it is actually the human-animal conflict that poses the greatest threat to the species survival.

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Solidified in Salt: Tanzania’s Lake Natron

Miracles of nature are usually praised for their wondrous beauty, often worked into songs or captured in paintings. However, some miracles of nature harbor an equally eerie side. In Tanzania lies a daunting monster that preys viciously in sinister silence. 

Sunlight over Lake Natron. blieusong. CC BY-SA 2.0.

In nearly any social studies class, bodies of water are framed as life-giving and as focal points for the world’s nations. Lakes and rivers are often credited in many civilizations’ lengthy histories for providing a means of transportation and crucial food security. Water itself stands as a symbol of life; ancient Egypt thrived due to fertile soil that would have been absent had it not been for the Nile River. Nonetheless, the complexity of nature has created exceptions to this rule. For instance, in the East African nation of Tanzania lies the deadly Lake Natron. 

Lake Natron sits along the East African Rift System in northern Tanzania, and is 35 miles long and about half as wide. Although often photographed for its location under sunlit clouds and for its serene backdrop, the lake is an abyss for almost all wildlife. 

Lake Natron is a salt lake, meaning it is incredibly alkaline. The deposits of natron, a chemical salt, flow in from the surrounding hills. This causes the lake’s pH level to be a very basic 10.5; this pH level falls only a bit short of that of ammonia and bleach. The water in this lake only flows inward, so evaporation leaves behind hefty salt deposits. Lake Natron can also reach a steamy state, with the water’s temperature recorded to reach 140 degrees Fahrenheit. 

Flamingos on Lake Natron at sunset. virtualwayfarer. CC BY-NC 2.0. 

In addition, a peculiar site is found at the shores of the lake. Long lines of dead birds and bats cover the shoreline, with each specimen preserved in a stonelike state. Scientists explain that the high salinity of the lake “freezes” the animals, perfectly preserving them with all of their wings and feathers in place. Nature photographer Nick Brandt chose to turn this site into a fascinating art project. He perches the birds on branches and poses the bats in order to make them look “alive.” With the help of locals, Brandt collected the best specimens and masterfully crafted chilling portraits of the fallen animals. Brandt suspects that the reflective surface of the lake tricks birds into believing it’s open air, leading the birds to drown in the deadly water. 

However, to say that the lake is completely absent of life is an act of injustice toward the flocks of flamingos that call the lake their home. Nearly 2.5 million flamingos use the lake’s shores as breeding grounds each year, accompanied by thriving algae and a single resilient species of fish. Although a nontraditional ecosystem, Lake Natron’s niche wildlife web requires balance like any other. Threats to divert nearby rivers into Lake Natron would change its water composition, thereby putting the lake’s wildlife at high risk. 

At first glance, Lake Natron appears to be both an example of life imitating art and life imitating horror. Regardless, Lake Natron is the foundation for both important species and scientific study, so there is much to lose if people begin to mistreat it.

Ella Nguyen

Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.

Zimbabwean Teens Kick Away Child Marriage with Taekwondo

One town in Zimbabwe has learned to bear the weight of history by “kicking” child marriage customs away. 

Zimbabwean woman. ScotchBroom. CC BY-NC 2.0. 

In the small settlement of Epworth southeast of Harare, Zimbabwe’s capital, is a growing community of taekwondo enthusiasts. One member, 17-year-old Natsiraishe Maritsa, has taken it upon herself to organize taekwondo classes for the girls of her community. The participants of her classes are underage girls, some as young as 10, who have been subjected to the harrowing practice of child marriage that plagues Zimbabwe. 

The Statistics

Child marriage is a tradition practiced all around Zimbabwe, but it runs particularly rampant in rural areas. The Zimbabwean countryside was found to have a child marriage rate of about 40% compared to the urban areas that show a rate of 19%. 

In Zimbabwe, 34% of girls are married off before the age of 18, while another 5% are married before the age of 15. The issue of child marriage, although an occurence involving mostly underage women, affects more than just women. About 2% of boys are forced into the practice before the age of 18. 

Complications of Elimination

The task of eliminating child marriage has proven to be especially difficult due to the many conditions and societal beliefs that worsen girls’ ability to escape the practice. There are four main reasons that girls are easily trapped in the tradition: 

First, gender inequality ranks women as inferior to men, thereby allowing the men of the family to force the women into submission. 

Second, and a particularly large piece of the problem, is poverty. The practice of child marriage is often used as an economic tool; the price for a bride is used to cover household expenses. Because marrying off daughters of the family can be the decision between life and death, the pressure to commit these practices is often insurmountable. With poverty increasing due to COVID-19, this problem has become particularly difficult. 

Third, the need to avoid shame causes many families to marry off their daughters. In Zimbabwe, the act of a daughter committing premarital sex is seen as shameful to the family, so it is resolved by forcing the daughter to marry her boyfriend. The girls will submit to these demands, especially if they became pregnant, in order to avoid abuse by their family members. 

Fourth, a lack of education pushes girls into the trap of child marriage. Many poorer households are unable to pay for their daughters to attend school, which increases the risk that they will be forced into a marriage. 

It is an oppressive cycle. Studies find that poverty causes child marriage, and in return, child marriage feeds into poverty. 

Seventeen-year-old Maritsa has chosen to use taekwondo education to empower the girls of her community, hoping they can use their newfound confidence and skills to reshape their futures. She holds classes in a small dirt yard in front of her house, while her parents use their small income to supply some food for the attendees. 

Maritsa’s class has proven to be empowering, with each class used as a safe space for girls to talk about the physical, mental and emotional abuse they endure from their husbands. 

She has proven that although oppressive practices are formidable opponents, the power of education and community can undo even the most controlling traditions. 

To Get Involved

Nonprofit organization FORWARD is led by African women seeking to end violence and the oppression of women in Africa, including child marriage. To read more about how to lend a hand, click here. 

Global partnership Girls Not Brides has combined the efforts of over 300 organizations dedicated to empowering women on nearly every continent. To see how you can support bills and other legislation they are pushing, click here. 

Ella Nguyen

Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.

Fighting for Freedom: Uganda’s Election and the Internet Shutdown 

In southwestern Uganda, a wall with a faded poster of President Yoweri Museveni represents how long his presidency has continued. Adam Jones, Ph.D. - Global Photo Archive. CC BY-SA 2.0. 

In Uganda, a tumultuous victory for President Yoweri Museveni was declared on Jan. 17. This victory comes after weeks of tension and strife surrounding the election and its validity. Museveni won his sixth term in office at the age of 76 against Ugandan pop singer Robert Kyagulanyi who goes by the stage name “Bobi Wine.” Wine, 38, claims he ran as a voice for the youth, a significant position in the country as its median age is 16.   

Wine does not believe the electoral results were fair, despite the president claiming this election to be the “most cheating-free” in Uganda’s history. The claims of fraud are not a surprise as Museveni is notorious for his actions against opponents including jailing them and arresting protesters. The current suspicions around this election’s validity lie in two major factors: the large military and police presence during voting as well as the mass internet and social media shutdown in days leading up to the election. 

This is not the first time during elections that Museveni has shut down the internet or blocked messaging applications like WhatsApp. This internet shutdown severely damaged Wine’s campaign as he did not have access to campaigning through traditional outlets controlled by Museveni. Not only did it cost Wine his campaign, but it cost Uganda itself over $9 million according to Netblocks, an internet freedom monitor. CIPESA, an African internet nongovernmental organization, reports that both biometric voting systems and mobile money—a payment form relied upon by many Ugandans—were disrupted by the shutdown as well.                                      

Luyimbazi Nalukoola, a legal adviser, speaks with Bobi Wine. Mbowasport. CC BY-SA 4.0. 

Beyond the blocking of the internet come the physical barriers to voting put in place by Museveni. In a telephone interview with BBC World Service, Bobi Wine said he and his wife were being kept in their home by soldiers, with no allowance to leave. He said, "Nobody is allowed to leave or come into our house. Also, all journalists—local and international—have been blocked from accessing me here at home.” Members of Wine’s party are also experiencing this. One of the party’s Parliament members, Francis Zaake, was violently arrested on Friday while trying to access their Wine’s compound. He was beaten by security forces so badly that hospitalization was required, according to party spokesman Joel Ssenyonyi. 

Even Ugandan voters could not safely vote out of harm's way as the BBC's Patience Atuhaire reports from the capital, Kampala, that “as vote counting began, lorries carrying soldiers drove through the city and police and local defense units were also seen patrolling.” 

A group of men and women protesting the election in Uganda. DW Africa. YouTube. 

Many believe that this is life under an authoritarian regime, as Museveni’s presidency has often been called, and the utilization of internet blocks and physical force to suppress votes and muddy elections confirms this. So far, despite the turmoil, Ugandan people have not received assistance from international organizations designed to protect elections. African organizations are reporting conflicting observations as well, making it difficult to determine if intervention is appropriate. One group, the Africa Elections Watch coalition, said their 2,000 poll observers did observe irregularities, but the East African observer missions and those from the African Union said voting was largely peaceful. 

What is apparent is the suppression of Ugandan votes leading up to this election even if not witnessed firsthand by organizations. This is known to be true because in November, The Associated Press noted that at least 37 had died while protesting the election, and the number has grown but remained unconfirmed since. Now, many Ugandans continue their fight against an election result that is still unconfirmed to them despite their president’s claims. 

Renee Richardson

Renee is currently an English student at The University of Georgia. She lives in Ellijay, Georgia, a small mountain town in the middle of Appalachia. A passionate writer, she is inspired often by her hikes along the Appalachian trail and her efforts to fight for equality across all spectrums. She hopes to further her passion as a writer into a flourishing career that positively impacts others.

A Glimpse at Ethiopia’s Medieval Rock-Hewn Churches 

A group of 11 churches in Lalibela, Ethiopia, has been known for centuries as the “New Jerusalem.” The churches were carved from the natural rock of the landscape during medieval times and are a popular pilgrimage site for Ethiopian Orthodox Christians. 

Rock-hewn church in Lalibela, Ethiopia. Rod Waddington. CC BY-SA 2.0

Lalibela, located in the northern highlands of Ethiopia, is home to 11 monolithic churches, each carved from the rocky landscape. The square and rectangular churches burrow more than 150 feet into the ground. Tall walls of rock rise around the churches on all sides, with their roofs sitting at the height of the natural rock. Worshippers and visitors at the churches access them through narrow, sloping staircases, and series of tunnels and passageways connect the churches to each other and to other religious areas like catacombs. Everything in each church is carved from the same rocky mass, including windows, doors, pillars, stairways and all decorative elements. Ethiopia is home to over 200 rock-hewn churches, but these 11, which make up a UNESCO World Heritage Site, are some of the best maintained and most impressive examples of this type of architecture.

Facade of one of Lalibela’s rock-hewn churches. Adam Jones, PhD. CC BY-SA 2.0 

Lalibela’s churches are intricate, awe-inspiring structures. Situated at the base of Mount Abuna Yosef is a rocky massif, a large, rigid section of the Earth’s crust. Ancient workers carved the 11 churches out of the rock from the top down, first isolating the outline of each structure and then sculpting the inside and the fine, ornamental details of the outer walls. The Lalibela church complex is divided into two sections of five churches separated by the River Jordan, one group on the north side and one on the south, and a lone church farther to the west. The churches date to the medieval era, and scholars agree that they were likely constructed in four or five phases between the seventh and 13th centuries. 

Interior of one of the rock-hewn churches. A.Davey. CC BY 2.0 

Ethiopian tradition credits King Lalibela, who ruled during the 12th century, with the creation of the churches. In the king's laudatory biography, it is written that angels helped him carve the churches over a period of 24 years. According to tradition, King Lalibela ordered the construction of the churches as a “New Jerusalem.” He is said to have visited Jerusalem just before the city was overtaken by Muslim forces, halting Christian pilgrimages to the Holy Land. Ethiopia has been officially Christian since 330 A.D. and claims to be the oldest Christian country in the world, so the story of King Lalibela and the rock-hewn churches fits into the country’s history. 

In reality, the earlier structures in the Lalibela complex were most likely constructed for civic rather than religious purposes, serving as royal palaces or fortresses before later being converted into churches. Though not all of the Lalibela churches initially served as churches, the complex became known as a “New Jerusalem” and has been a popular pilgrimage site since the late 12th century. The churches remain a pilgrimage site today, and host daily religious services. 

The roof of the Church of St. George. A.Davey. CC BY 2.0

 Aside from the large numbers of worshippers that gather each day, Lalibela’s phenomenal churches draw curious visitors. Guided tours of the complex are available, and travelers can also explore on their own. The most popular church among visitors to Lalibela is Bete Giyorgis, the Church of St. George, which forms the shape of a cross when viewed from above. Bete Giyorgis is the church that stands alone, not part of the northern or southern groups, but it can be accessed from the other churches through the system of carved passages. The wonders of Lalibela’s 11 churches contain centuries of Ethiopian history and remain magnificent examples of a very unique architectural feat. 

Rachel Lynch

Rachel is a student at Sarah Lawrence College in Bronxville, NY currently taking a semester off. She plans to study Writing and Child Development. Rachel loves to travel and is inspired by the places she’s been and everywhere she wants to go. She hopes to educate people on social justice issues and the history and culture of travel destinations through her writing.

10 Nigerian Artists Redefining Africa’s Music Scene

From influencing the #EndSARS protests to confronting the commodification of African culture, these artists have unique approaches to their art.

DaVido performing. Wikimedia user Rasheedrasheed. CC BY-SA 4.0.

Nigerian musicians have been spreading their influence all over the world for the past few decades. Following in the footsteps of Fela Kuti, contemporary artists experiment with a plethora of genres, fine-tuning their style as they progress. Renowned artists such as Burna Boy, DaVido and Cruel Santino are the driving forces of the Afrobeats movement, which combines African subgenres, American hip-hop, and R&B. Here are 10 influential Nigerian musicians to listen to.

1. Tony Allen

Tony Allen. Pierre Priot. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Tony Allen is the father of the Afrobeat genre. Allen passed away in April 2020 after releasing his final album, “Rejoice,” in collaboration with the late South African jazz artist, Hugh Masekela. Allen’s polyrhythmic drumming complements Masekela’s trumpet in this riveting jazz album. From his earlier days of performing with Fela Kuti to his more recent collaborations with Skepta and Oumou Sangare, Allen has pioneered the combination of American jazz with African beats. After a career which explored a multitude of scenes in the music world, Allen falls back into his Afrobeat roots in his very last album.


2. Naira Marley

Rapper Naira Marley is a contentious figure in Nigeria. Marley is known as a founder of the genre Afro-bashment, a combination of Caribbean influences, American trap rap, West African beats and British rap. Naira Marley is known for his controversial beliefs and ideas; in “Am I a Yahoo Boy,” he offers an unabashed critique of the Nigerian government, higher education and social conservatism. His single “Koleyewon,” which was released in December 2020, is a fast-paced trap song in Yoruba. 

3. DaVido

DaVido performing. Wikimedia user Rasheedrasheed. CC BY-SA 4.0.

American-born musician DaVido is a world-renowned Afrobeats artist who synthesizes elements of R&B, rap and Afropop to build up his discography. His heavily auto-tuned vocals and his simple audio production make up his signature sound. DaVido’s most recent album, “A Better Time,” featured Nicki Minaj, Chris Brown and Lil Baby. Despite its famous featured artists, the album’s first track, “FEM,” received the most attention globally. “FEM,” which means “shut up” in Nigerian slang, was labeled the anthem of the #EndSARS protests in Nigeria, which called for the dissolution of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad. Although the artist himself didn’t intend to express a politically charged message, he was nonetheless impassioned by his country’s fight against police brutality.  

4. Cruel Santino

Up-and-coming musician Cruel Santino came to the world stage in 2019 with his debut album “Mandy & The Jungle.” Although he is one of the younger artists of the Nigerian music renaissance, Cruel Santino offers an impressive range of styles in his first album. The mellow, laid-back beat of “Sparky” contrasts with the country twang of “Diamonds / Where You Been.” His new single “End of The Wicked” showcases his maturation as a musician and an artist: the solemn piano is redeemed by a syncopated jungle beat, which accompanies his verbose rap. 

5. Odunsi (The Engine)

Odunsi (The Engine) is a master of his craft. His discography is all-encompassing: church choirs and spoken word start off his 2018 album “Rare”; an orchestra plays over his verse in his greatest hit “Tipsy”; a vaporwave synth paints “Luv In a Mosh” blue. Odunsi (The Engine)’s album covers visually harmonize with his music. The ethereal blue moon in “Everything You Heard Is True,” which was released in May 2020, mirrors Odunsi’s experimentation with atonal melodies and distortions. On top of this hypnotic album, the musician released two singles in 2020: “Decided” and “Fuji 5000.” Both are dramatically different from each other; the only constant is Odunsi’s effortless flow.

 6. Simi

Simi at NdaniTV. NdaniTV. CC BY 3.0.

Simi’s distinctly sweet voice is the honey that binds her music together. Less is more in her 2017 album “Simisola,” where her vocals and the acoustic guitar are the only elements that matter. The Nigerian singer started off as a gospel singer in 2008, but transformed her career in 2014 after the success of her singles “Tiff” and “E No Go Funny.” Simi released “Restless II” in 2020, which is a change of pace from her slow crooning. In an interview with OkayAfrica, the singer admits that, “This project is a risk as well, it’s even more of a risk because it’s R&B and Nigeria is not necessarily the biggest R&B market.” As Simi continues to dabble in hip-hop, she  comes out with more powerful hits like “No Longer Beneficial” and “There for You.” 

7. Niniola

Niniola. Wikimedia user Naijareview. CC BY-SA 4.0.

Often regarded as the “Queen of Afro-House,” Niniola is a global star who fights to find her footing as an empowered Yoruba woman. Niniola rose to fame from her 2017 hit “Maradona,” a seemingly light pop tune which dealt with the traumas of her upbringing. As a girl growing up in a polygamous household, Niniola experienced the double standards of a patriarchal family. Reckoning with her womanhood, Niniola recounts the experiences of a woman who is cheated on by her husband, woes which are usually kept secret. With an album and a couple of huge hits under her belt, Niniola comes back strong with her new album “Colours and Sounds,” which includes a refreshing take on reggae, pop and dancehall. 

https://youtu.be/lRpBLAwIbeA 



8. Burna Boy

Burna Boy’s album “Twice as Tall” covers a variety of topics, from how the artist grapples with the reality of colonialism to the frenzy of a night out. Burna Boy is a household name in the music industry, and this album attests to the singer’s mastery over songwriting and producing. In his song “Monsters You Made,” Burna Boy addresses Western imperialism and how its consequences are still felt today. His song “Alarm Clock” begins with voice recordings, opera and a saxophone, and quickly switches to an upbeat rap song.

9. Deto Black

Model and rapper Deto Black refuses to be labeled as an Afrobeats musician. The feminism and sex positivity of her music is obvious and brought to the forefront of her message as an “alté,” or alternative, artist. As a Lagos-based rapper who lived in the U.K. and the U.S. growing up, Deto Black navigates the different worlds by calling for gender equality in Nigeria.  






10. Zlatan Ibile

Zlatan is a new Nigerian singer and dancer who found fame through his viral song “Zanku” (Legwork), which was accompanied by a famous dance. Since 2019, the singer has released three albums, started a record label, and released the successful single “Lagos Anthem.” “Lagos Anthem” is an energetic dance song with darker lyrics criticizing the government for its flawed policies. 


These Nigerian musicians are beginning to impact American and British pop music. Although each of these individuals comes from a different discipline and background, they all have a commitment to experimenting in their craft. Some thrive in and renovate the Afrobeats movement, while others resist the umbrella term. The common ground between alté musician Deto Black’s tackling of gender inequality and DaVido’s propelling of the #EndSARS revolution is their commitment to the well-being of Nigeria. 

Heather Lim

Heather recently earned her B.A. in Literatures in English from University of California, San Diego. She was editor of the Arts and Culture section of The Triton, a student-run newspaper. She plans on working in art criticism, which combines her love of visual art with her passion for journalism.

Nigeria’s Stolen Schoolboys Reach Freedom

Young people in Nigeria begin their days with walks to school. For boys returning to the Government Science Secondary School in Kankara, these walks will mean something entirely different.

Stibej. CC BY-SA 4.0

In the northwestern Nigerian state of Katsina, the militant group Boko Haram is thought to be responsible for stealing young men. On Dec. 11, unidentified men with guns invaded the Government Science Secondary School in the city of Kankara on motorbikes to kidnap the schoolboys. The gunmen proceeded to march the boys into the Rugu forest of Nigeria, potentially to use them as child soldiers if not freed. The governor, Aminu Bello Masari, says a total of 344 boys held in the forest have now  been liberated in the neighboring Zamfara state. In describing what they went through, the boys said they walked through large stretches of forest, stopping during the daytime and walking all night without shoes on stony ground littered with painful brush. There was no clarification on how or why they were freed, or if all the boys stolen were let go. As Boko Haram has executed similar kidnappings in the past, many think the Islamist militant group is behind the event. 

Map of Nigeria with the city of Kankara highlighted. Google Maps.  

 On Dec. 18, the schoolboys were finally returned home. The governor of Katsina state and Nigeria's president greeted them as they were brought back to their homes by military personnel. “I think we have recovered most of the boys,” Masari said in a televised interview with state channel NTA. The boys that were found have since been medically examined and returned to their families. It is important to note that the search is still ongoing as of Dec. 21. 

A typical street scene in Katsina state. Adebola Falade. CC BY-SA 4.0

Reports as to who is responsible for the kidnappings are unclear as unverified sources have attributed it to a resurgence of Boko Haram, the extremist group which has kidnapped in the past. In 2014, it executed the kidnapping of more than 270 schoolgirls in the northeastern town of Chibok, and nearly 100 of those girls are still missing. Now, residents of northern Nigeria believe the group is back. 

For the families of the boys, their return comes as a celebration. In a quote given to Reuters, retired health worker Shuaibu Kankara, whose 13-year-old son Annas Shuaibu was among the kidnapped boys, said, “I am so happy. We are so grateful to the governor of Katsina and all those who worked hard to secure their release.” The quick and seemingly uncomplicated return of the boys comes as a great shock but an even greater relief. 

As mentioned, many suspect that Boko Haram is responsible for the attack. The extremist Islamic rebels have taken responsibility for the abduction, claiming they attacked the school as a punishment for its Western teachings. For now, the investigation is ongoing, but the swift release of the boys sends a hopeful message that the Nigerian government is able to handle attacks quickly and effectively. Although there is fear that Boko Haram will act again, a precedent has been set by the efficient handling of this mass kidnapping. 

Renee Richardson

Renee is currently an English student at The University of Georgia. She lives in Ellijay, Georgia, a small mountain town in the middle of Appalachia. A passionate writer, she is inspired often by her hikes along the Appalachian trail and her efforts to fight for equality across all spectrums. She hopes to further her passion as a writer into a flourishing career that positively impacts others.

Rising Tensions in Ethiopia’s Tigray Region Pose Dangers for Millions

The East African country has recently been overrun by natural disasters, COVID-19 and internal violence.

A refugee camp in Ethiopia. Oberhaus. CC2.0

Rising tensions in northern Ethiopia’s Tigray region pose a severe threat for the East African country and for stability across the Horn of Africa. Most urgently, the fighting places millions of people in danger and in dire need of humanitarian assistance.  

Map of Ethiopia’s regions, with Tigray in the far north. Jfblanc. CC4.0

An Overview of the Conflict in Tigray

Ethiopia, the largest and most populous country in the Horn of Africa region, is home to many different religions, languages and ethnic groups. The recent fighting is taking place in Tigray, Ethiopia’s northernmost region along the border with Eritrea. The conflict is between Ethiopia’s central government led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The TPLF came to power in 1991 and established a coalition where Ethiopia was divided into 10 distinct regions that each had political autonomy, allowing the TPLF to become a key player in Ethiopian politics. The TPLF remained in power for 27 years until rising concerns of political corruption and human rights abuses resulted in nationwide protests. As a result, Abiy Ahmed was elected the prime minister of Ethiopia in 2018 and began to reduce the TPLF’s power. While Ahmed advocates for a strong federal government that unites all Ethiopians regardless of ethnicity, the TPLF wants more political autonomy and sees Ahmed’s central government as a hindrance to the TPLF’s political agenda. 

The current dispute began when the TPLF wanted to hold a regional election in September. Prime Minister Ahmed denied the request, since all national elections in Ethiopia were canceled due to COVID-19. Fighting began on Nov. 4 when Tigrayan forces were accused of attacking a military base belonging to Ahmed’s government. The violence in the region continues to escalate. 

Abiy Ahmed is widely recognized for brokering peace and ending a military conflict with neighboring Eritrea, an effort that resulted in Ahmed receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019. However the current escalating violence is causing the international community to raise its eyebrows. According to Kjetil Tronvoll, a scholar of Ethiopian politics at Bjorknes University College in Norway, “The Nobel Peace Prize has until recently shielded Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed from international scrutiny and criticism. However, the warfare on Tigray has opened the eyes of many diplomats to the way political power is wielded in Ethiopia.”

Rwandan President Paul Kagame (left) and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (right). Kagame. CC2.0

What is Happening Now? 

On Nov. 28, the Ethiopian army gained control of the Tigrayan regional capital of Mekelle, with Prime Minister Ahmed declaring victory shortly thereafter. However, Tigrayan forces have yet to surrender. Since the conflict began, telephone, internet and road access to the Tigray region has been suspended, making it difficult to know what is happening on the ground. Shortly after Ahmed declared victory, rockets were fired at the Eritrean capital of Asmara, where according to the U.S. embassy, “Six explosions occurred in the city at about 10:13 p.m.” The Ethiopian government has declared a six-month-long state of emergency in the Tigray region. There is concern that the conflict could exacerbate ethnic division in other parts of Ethiopia, or even spread to neighboring countries such as Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia. With the conflict having no end in sight, it is unclear to predict whether current military efforts are enough to end the fighting.

Refugee children in Ethiopia. United Nations Photo. CC2.0

Impact on Internally Displaced People and Refugees

Before the recent fighting broke out in Tigray, the region was already home to over 200,000 refugees, the majority coming from Eritrea. The current fighting is estimated to affect over 2 million people, with larger estimates of up to 9 million. As many as 43,000 have already fled to neighboring countries, with Sudan preparing to accept as many as 200,000 refugees. Thousands of people are internally displaced in Shire, near the border with Eritrea. Aid groups are urging the Ethiopian government to allow access to roads crucial to the Tigray region. This year has been especially difficult in Ethiopia, as a devastating locust outbreak, floods and the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic have ravaged the country. According to the International Rescue Committee, the most important thing that can be done by forces is to adhere to international law, ensure that schools, hospitals and homes are not targets, and allow humanitarian aid to get to where it is needed. 

To Get Involved:

Check out the International Rescue Committee, a global aid and development organization providing crucial humanitarian assistance to communities in Tigray, here. 


Click here to access the website of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which is working to establish a new shelter site for Tigrayan refugees in Sudan.

Megan Gürer

Megan is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

The History and Controversy of Slum Tourism 

The visiting of impoverished urban areas has become a major source of tourism in Brazil’s favelas, shantytowns in the Philippines and South Africa and areas of Los Angeles, Detroit and Berlin. There are many arguments for and against the practice, as well as questions as to who it benefits.

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No Peace for the People: Ethiopia’s Ethnic Groups Targeted

While citizens and officials alike fear a potential civil war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, the country’s ethnic groups have become targets of violence. Many fear that the current struggles deepen existing ethnic divides. 

Women of the Tigray region in Ethiopia. Rod Waddington. CC BY-SA 2.0. 

Over the past several weeks, the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia has exploded into violence. The current conflict comes after years of mounting tensions between the elected government of the Tigray region and the federal government. The postponement of the September election sparked the most recent series of violent acts; existing ethnic tensions have now transformed into the slaughtering of local ethnic groups, forcing many to flee for safety in Sudan. 

A Rising Civil War 

The tensions in Ethiopia trace back along a labyrinthine history of political unrest, with the primary combatants being the proponents of the federal government and the officials in the Tigray region. Fighting escalated when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed accused the Tigray region of attacking a federal military base and responded by sending an attack on the region. However, underlying issues began back in 2018 when Ahmed was first elected. 

For decades, Ethiopia’s main political party was the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, which began around 1991 when the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) aided the overthrow of the previously Marxist government. Up until 2018, the party had controlled both the political and economic components of the country. With Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s election, the TPLF’s power within the party it founded began to quickly disappear. Ahmed removed and attempted to convict many officials through potentially corrupt means, many of whom escaped to the Tigray region. He also attempted to combine parties that followed ethnic lines, which deepened divides among the groups. 

In response to the prime minister’s recent postponement of the election, the unofficial leaders of the Tigray region made a decision no one in the country had done before: they held their own election. Tigray threatened secession, which is upheld in the nation’s constitution. The federal government, though, responded by withdrawing aid from Tigray and sending in troops. 

Ethnic Targeting

Now that the violence has furthered into increasing physical confrontation, many ethnic groups in Ethiopia feel under attack. Recent killings have left ethnic Tigrayans and ethnic Amharas slaughtered in the streets. Calls for peace talks between the two groups have been rejected, and now nearly 15,000 people have fled for safety. 

There are major criticisms on both sides, with calls for the TPLF’s unconditional surrender coming from the federal government. Meanwhile, the regional government of Tigray has been accused of igniting fear that is believed to have fed into the violent slaughtering of ethnic Amharas. 

Officials fear that these killings could turn into an ethnic cleansing and genocide. Tigrayan locals are dealing with the bulk of the chaos; many are being taken in for questioning and are too fearful to contact family members outside of the region. 

Experts warn that Ethiopia’s history of ethnic conflict will likely repeat itself as the nation spirals into political disarray. Only the potential for peace now holds the nation together as its ethnic groups continue to clash. 

Ella Nguyen

Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.

Has South Africa’s Booze Ban Helped in the Fight Against COVID-19?

To slow the spread of COVID-19, the government banned alcohol sales. Now, the country asks, “Was it worth it?”

A South African enjoying a glass of wine. World Bank Photo Collection. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

South Africans woke up before dawn to line up in front of liquor stores. Since March 27, alcohol sales had been prohibited to curb the spread of COVID-19, but on June 1, nine long weeks of sobriety ended. With the threat of another surge in cases—and another prohibition on booze—looming over the country, drinkers nationwide stocked up while they had the chance.

The ban was a forceful and unprecedented measure for a country that has suffered the most cases of COVID-19 in Africa. The long lines demonstrated the important role alcohol plays in South African culture and social life, as does the annoyed reaction of many citizens. In a crowded country with many shared living spaces in urban areas, the ban on alcohol has often been viewed as an extraneous measure that has endangered innumerable small businesses and infantilized the South African people.

Alcohol figures into the country’s history in a variety of ways. Under apartheid, Black South Africans were forbidden from buying or consuming alcohol, so its consumption became an act of rebellion against racial injustice. For mixed-race workers in rural areas, many were paid in liquor rather than money, leading to dependency on the substance for thousands. In other areas, traditional methods of brewing beer have long provided locals with their own source. Under the ban, South Africans of every background, race and class have had to cut their consumption down to zero.

A South African woman brewing umqombothi, a traditional beer. GioRetti. CC-BY-NC-SA 2.0

The logic behind the ban was simple: limit alcohol use and more hospital beds will remain open. Though most abstain from drinking altogether, the World Health Organization (WHO) classifies the majority of those who use alcohol as binge drinkers. As a result, drinking-related incidents account for 40% of all of South Africa’s emergency hospital admissions. In addition, crime fell by 29% over the course of the ban, including rates for domestic abuse and sexual assault. It is estimated that because the ban allowed more space for COVID-19 patients, 515 lives were saved.

A similar logic was used to implement a ban on cigarettes. Citing research from the WHO, the government has claimed that the ban is necessary to slow the spread of COVID-19. Cigarette smoke can carry the virus in air molecules for longer distances, and smoking itself weakens the lungs and makes the body more susceptible to severe symptoms. While the ban on cigarettes was lifted on Aug. 18, its implications continue through a vibrant black market.

Smokers found numerous ways to buy cigarettes under the table, leading many to question whether the ban actually curtailed the spread of COVID-19. Cigarette dealers interact with dozens of clients a day, creating the potential to hasten the spread of the virus. 

The growth of the black market has been an unforeseen consequence of the alcohol and cigarette ban, but it will have lasting repercussions on South Africa’s economy. Illegal operators have gained a significant foothold by doing business with thousands of drinkers and smokers who previously had no interaction with South Africa’s criminal underworld. Reversing the growth of these criminal enterprises is predicted to take years.

Moreover, the South African revenue service lost out on a total of 12 billion rand, equal to $726 million, in taxes it would have collected had alcohol never been banned. This loss of revenue is all the more frustrating when the government has struggled to provide hospitals with the necessary supplies to handle COVID-19. On a smaller scale, too, the economy has been devastated. Innumerable businesses face financial ruin since restaurants derive roughly 60% of their profits from alcohol sales. 

A street party on Long Street in Cape Town. Flowcomm. CC BY 2.0.

It is impossible to say whether the alcohol ban will ever be implemented again; this largely depends on whether South Africa experiences another surge of cases. When cases spiked a second time this summer, the ban was reimplemented from July 12 to Sept. 20. There is no guarantee that the ban will not be needed again. 

If it does become necessary yet again, many have learned how to fulfill their desire for a drink without liquor stores. Homebrewing has enjoyed a resurgence because of the nationwide prohibition. City dwellers have begun experimenting with beers typically made only in rural areas. Online video guides for brewing pineapple beer and a traditional corn and sorghum beer known as “umqombothi” have garnered thousands of views. Try as the government might, South Africa’s thirst for alcohol will most likely prove insatiable.

Michael McCarthy

is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Is the South African Apartheid Actually Over?

The economic disparity in South African metropolises like Johannesburg points back to the apartheid, with one side of town obviously White and upper-middle class while the other is mostly Black and full of rundown, tottering homes.

Kuku Town, a small settlement of Black South Africans on the outskirts of Cape Town. Slum Dwellers International. CC BY 2.0.

The South African apartheid officially ended in 1994, abolishing the country’s long-standing policy of racial segregation across its social and economic relations. 26 years later, though, remnants of the apartheid are still apparent in the infrastructure of South Africa’s largest cities. As it stands, a majority of the country remains segregated as a result of systemic racism. 

South African cities Johannesburg, East Rand and East London have the greatest income inequality in the world; multimillionaires flock to luxurious homes in close proximity to overpopulated and underserved townships. It is clear that the dissolution of the apartheid state, although significant, represented more of a symbolic change than a material one. The notable rise of a Black middle class fails to overshadow the fact that almost two-thirds of South Africa’s Black population lives below the poverty line. 

Johannesburg’s central business district, which was largely abandoned by top firms in favor of the city’s affluent suburbs. Evan Bench. CC BY 2.0.

A Brief History of the Apartheid

Beginning in 1948, the South African government attempted to shift its economic and political conditions through stringent racial segregation. Spearheaded by the White supremacist National Party, the apartheid separated South Africa into four “nations”: Black Africans, “Coloureds” (those of mixed ancestry), Asians and Whites. . Whites received preferential treatment in nearly every aspect of society, with Black Africans facing the most severe discrimination.

These enforcements impacted public spaces, but also regulated marital practices and sexual relations. Black and White people were banned from participating in romantic relationships with each other. One of the most visible actualizations of segregation, though, occurred decades before the apartheid began through a series of “Land Acts.” These discriminatory laws, passed in 1913, granted 86.5% of South Africa’s property to Whites and restricted nonwhite individuals from entering these sectors without proper documentation. 

Over the decades of apartheid, there existed a constant threat of violence against nonwhite individuals by the government. Rural regions newly designated as “Whites-only” led to Black South Africans being violently removed from their homes and displaced into remote and abjectly poor regions called “Bantustans.” From 1961 to 1994, up to 3.5 million Black people were forcibly removed from their homes. The state-sanctioned violence ended in the mid-1990s with the enfranchisement of nonwhite groups and the integration of all races. The decades of government-enforced violations of basic rights, however, have solidified the material and political disadvantages of South Africa’s Black majority. 

Glimpses of the Apartheid Today

The integration which occurred in 1994 proved to be ineffectual; the historically White neighborhoods remain the same while the districts for Black people are also still homogenous. These predominantly Black neighborhoods often suffer from high crime rates and debilitating unemployment rates. The legislation regarding South African race relations may have changed, but socioeconomically, Blacks are disproportionately unemployed and paid less when in the labor market. Johannesburg’s predominantly-White suburbs of Sandton and Sandhurst taunt the majority with $10 million homes, attracting the richest 20% of the country who hold 68% of all wealth. 

A South African citizen, Ntandoyenkosi Mlambo, shared her sentiments with The Guardian about the current state of Cape Town: “The constitutional right to movement has changed so people of color are able to move in different areas. However, the economic and land ownership disadvantages which are still linked to people of color make cities inaccessible for most to live and thrive in. Also, the criminalization of homelessness further entrenches the lived reality that only a few have the right to the city.”

The lifting of the apartheid did significantly increase the size of the Black middle class and allowed some to attain wealth. However, the diversification of the suburbs can hardly be considered progress when the top 10% of Black South Africans own nearly 50% of the group’s income. The state provided grants to members of the lower class in an attempt to decrease income inequality, but the policy has so far fallen short of substantial change.

Heather Lim

recently earned her B.A. in Literatures in English from University of California, San Diego. She was editor of the Arts and Culture section of The Triton, a student-run newspaper. She plans on working in art criticism, which combines her love of visual art with her passion for journalism.